Tracing  the History of Globalism         

     The world economy opening up after 1980 had no historical protest, it was doing so in a mere permanent.   way.

In the sphery of economics "Be local think global" is the cry of the Proutists. In this piece let us briefly trace the history of Globalism.

The end of the Cold War was the beginning of globalisation -or, at least, that is when people began to talk about it. The term itself entered mainstream discourse in 1983, with an article in the Harvard Business Review by the economist Theodore Levitt. The article lauded the global expansion of markets for manufacturers as the start of a process that would inexorably make the world a better place by breaking down the walls of economic instahy neionalism, and chauvinism." A decade later, talk of globalisation was ubiquitous By then, capitalism had triumphed over communism, and one form of capitalism

--dedicated to dismantling economic and labor regulations, barriers to trade, and exchange controls-had supplanted the more managed, state-run version of the immediate postwar decades.

Globalisation was more than a mere term, of course. Over the last three decades, the world has radically changed and become far more connected by revolutionary technologies, supply chains, and delivery systems. Trade in goods has soared as a proportion of world GDP; cross-border financial flows have grown faster still.

Geopolitical shifts in economic power have seen the rise of a prosperous middle class across much of what is commonly referred to as "the global South," or the bulk of African, Asian, and Central and South American countries. As producers opted for cheaper labor overseas, especially in China, Central America, and Southeast Asia, organized labor in the former manufacturing heartlands of the developed world was decimated. Interdependence and hyper-connectivity also sped

  

            up the transmission of global afflictions, from the series of sovereign debt crises that ran across South America, Eastern Europe, and East Asia in the 1990s to the COVID-19 pandemic.

For a long time, this extraordinary shift in the way the world works lacked any serious historical contextualization. Economists had long ago lost their predecessors' interest in history and instead turned toward mathematics. Historians, for their part, were becoming ever less numerate, and by the time of the 2007-8 financial crisis, they had relinquished almost any interest in macroeconomic change. In fact, it is only in the last decade that scholars have seriously begun to think historically about globalisation.

The relative openness of borders before World War I fostered political activism and economic entrepreneurship. The closing of borders during the war, along with the British continental blockade, led to malnutrition, pandemics, and an enduring anxiety throughout the interwar years about ensuring the security of the national food supply. Fascism's breeding ground lay in the poverty and instability caused by the collapse of political order in central Europe, in particular, as well as in the dislocation caused by: the international economic crisis of the early 1930s. What unites Zahra's large and diverse cast of characters is their role in the grand drama of the struggle between those who stood for some kind of internationalism and their more nationalist and nativist opponents.

Early opponents of globalisation in people who disliked free trade and unfettered immigration, worried about fragile, far-flung supply chains. across oceans and fretted when domestic workers lost out to cheaper labor abroad. The Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, was both radically nationalist and anti- global; anti-Semitic violence in central Europe was a violent manifestation of anti-globalism, and Jews were targeted as symbols. of international finance, unchecked migration, cosmopolitanism, and national disloyalty. In these and other ways, the concerns of anti- globalizers a century ago sound familiar today.    

                                                                              On the other hand, the growth 

patterns of recent de re unprecedented and without plausible parallel. Betwee980 and 2008, Europe's export GDP ratio grew from 24.3 41.1 percent, and the worldwide figure from 20.4 to 31 percent. Border- crossing financial markets, institutions, and elites rapidly gained enormous control over national economies. In short, the degree of openness in the world economy around the year 2000 was far greater than in any other period in history.

Not only was the world economy opening up after 1980 in a way that had no historical precedent, but it was doing so in a more permanent way. World trade at the bottom of the interwar slump was down a third from its 1929 height; the slump after 2009 was not nearly so pronounced or so lengthy. In other words, the interwar years in Europe were roiled by a crisis of a severity that has not been matched since.

On the whole, nationalism is a bad thing and that fascist politics were what you might well end up with if you turned your back on free trade, unrestricted migration and the gold standard the interwar versus of globali Zahra thay offers a message color like that of globalisation's proponents today In so doing, dic portrays interwar politics in ways that obscure sonic of the rea)) challenges of those times

The question of how to dial with the spread of nationalism after World War I was unquestionably at the top of the international agenda a cenimy ans The nation-state's march of mumph had begun in the mod nineteenth century and continued with new vigor at the Pare Peace Conference in 1919, when the victonous Allies presided over the dismembering of the Habsburg and Ottoman empires treating the modern map of Eastern Europe and the Middle fast. The process resumed again after World War II with decolonization in what was left of the European copies Borders proliferated and made

international economie life harder No real alternatives stood in the way of the spread of the nation state Empires could not simply be restored. Yet preserving prosperity in a world of nation-states was complicated by radical changes in every domain of life. For one thing. World Wars had increased rates of political participation and taken governance out of the hands of older elites At the same time, the collapse of the nineteenth-century gold standard meant that the international monetary system required concerted management for the first time.

In such circumstances. opposition to globalisation was rational It made sense on many national governments in the early 1930s to abandon the gold standard, opt for autarky, support or nationalize industry that sought to replace imports, and subsidize domestic grain production Such moves did not inevitably lead to  fascism the outcome in many countries was quite different Indeed, from the 1930s to the 1960s, the thrust of development economics across much of the global South was premised on this model the promotion of national prosperity by state-led industrialization drives that identified lant industries and facilitated urbanization

If a return to empire offered no clear ideological alternative to interwas nationalism that left only one other option: Bolshevism. And yet it was the manifest failures of early twentieth-century capitalism to improve living standards for the masses that more than any other single factor helped give Bolshevism worldwide appeal Lenin's desire to export world revolution because the universal ambitions of communism complicate even further the binary framework of globalizers and antiglobalizers? The commitment to build socialism in one country never led the Kremlin to abandon its longer-term desire to see communism triumph worldwide. Theirs was surely a form of global politics, utterly distinct from any other .

      The real lessons to be learned from the collapse of unspean democracy in the interwar years and its saboquent postwar revival nationalism not only framed democracy's demise in the 1910s it als framed democracy's recovery after 1945

Democracy was not restored in Westem Europe because of globalisation. That restoration came about because of how national governments stewarded their economies, producing steady economic growth and decades of low unemployment Indeed, after 1950, national economies opened up only slowly to one another regional integration took decades

The real lesson drawn at the time from the tumultuous interwar years was that laissez-faire economics could be fatal and that politicians had to understand the need for strategic national leadership Today, thanks in no small measure to decades of globalisation, politicians have abandoned this understanding of their responsibility and have coded theit power to central banks, constitutional courts, and the private sector The last thing societies need at the moment is to be told that democracy, now or in the past, depends on globalisation.       

             

          Subasish samal..☺️🌎

         

                          

COORDINATED COOPERATION HISTORY OF WOMEN'S SUBORDINATION

 COORDINATED COOPERATION

                   HISTORY OF    

                    WOMEN 'S

             SUBORDINATION

     

For society to advance with collective spirit and express its full vitality there must be close cooperation between its members. This cooperation should be coordinated cooperation, not subordinated cooperation. It should not be the relationship of master and servant, but that of people having mutual respect and cordiality. Coordinated cooperation should be the norm in all human relationships. There should be coordinated cooperation in the workplace, in political life, in religious life, in educational institutions, in international relations, in relations between ethnic groups, etc. At present, however, there are many spheres of social life in which interactions occur on a subordinated basis.           One sphere and n which subordinated cooperation has long been pervasive is in the relations between men and women. In most societies and social settings, women do not enjoy the same privileges, they are not given the same respect, they do not possess an equal measure of independence, and they do not have the same opportunity to develop their potentialities as do men.    

      Not only to be women suffer from oppression at the whole society is burden When women are confined to the household or to menial occupations, society's progress is stunted. This condition is much less prevalent in industrialized countries; yet even here, where women's capacities are better expressed and their rights better established, they often don't enjoy full dignity and opportunity. It is the birthright of women to enjoy the same dignity and opportunity as men, and this birthright must be established within the homes, at the workplace, in the schoolrooms, and on the streets. As many women have come to understand, these rights cannot be easily established if they wait patiently for their due. Securing one's rights does not occur spontaneously but comes through struggle and the exertion of power.

     Women should not be alone in this struggle, nor need they depend solely on social agitation to secure respect. It is the duty of men to see that their sisters, mothers, wives, daughters, and women friends obtain equal access to skills and resources, knowledge and culture, and challenges and opportunities. Men have privileged position in the society in part due to the self- sacrificing nature of women. Women trustingly surrendered a measure of their rights and privileges to men, so it is the obligation of men to help restore women's independence and respect.

  History of women's subordination

Women were always subordinated to men prehistoric times, women had at the same adversities of a bostile environment as did ren, and they had to be self-reliant de dere was often not the support mate who identified as the father of the offspring. In such conditions, women not only survived on their own strength but did so while caring for their children.

 In the late Paleolithic era, when the social structure became more evolved, women held prominent status. Archeological evidence suggests that these early societies were mainly matriarchal. The wisest and most spirited women were made group mothers, and other members of the clan took the name of the group mother in designating their lineage.

Even today there are matriarchal tribal societies, and among many tribal people matrilineal descent is still followed. Many Native American societies were matrilineal. "The Great Law of Peace", which defined the governing structure of the Iroquois League of Six Nations, stated that "The lineal descent of the people of the Six Nations shall run in the female line. Women shall be considered the progenitors of the Nation. Men and women shall follow the status of their mothers." And even today, in tribal societies where matriarchy and matrilineal descent are no longer followed, there is no lack of liberal-mindedness with respect to women's freedom.

Anthropological evidence does not support the view that it is natural for women to be in a servile role, or that woman's place is in the home under the man. Instead we find that at the birth of human society, women were often the recognized leaders and that their social status is still respected in tribal cultures.

How did the status of women get degraded? In the early phase of civilization, as population grew and tribal territory expanded, the masily male warriors and chieftains fought to enlarge their domains or to protect their realms from conquest. They engaged in their warfare with a respect for the values of dignity and honor. This awakened in them a sense of conscience. To slay the unarmed or the aged; to stab a person in the back; or to murder those who surrendered- all went against their code of honor. Human values began to supplant their brutish ways. This sense of conscience led the males to develop feelings of responsibility towards family life, so there came to be a sense of duty towards mate and offspring. In this social context, the institution of marriage evolved, and the husband assumed increasing responsible to provide for the family. Women, in turn, became more dependent on men. With this social change, the status of men increased, and group mothers lost their status. And, due to the prestige of the heroic warriors, children sought to become heirs to their father's tradition and rank. So matrilineal descent eventually died out, and patrilineal descent became the norm.

Subasish samal

In the warrior cra women may have lost their ruling position and some social rights, but they lost little of their social status. In the Age of Antiquity, women. generally possessed dignity, and their privileges were comparable to those of men in many spheres of life. On the whole, they WITO regarded as men's coworkers

It was during the next ers when society came to he dominated by the priestly clas that women lost their dignity, became wage-less slaves, and were treated as objects of men's enjoyment PR Sarkar observed that, "Conspiring to cripple women in every way the [priestly class] evolved divine commandments together with numerous scriptural injunctions, para-logical tencts, and imaginary yarns of sin and virtue. Listening to these it seems to one's mind as though man alone is the chosen human of God, the rest of humanity have taken birth only to provide him with the wherewithal for enjoyment."

The instructions on "right behavior" for women found in Confucius' book, Anelect. illustrate this point: "Man is the representative of Heaven and is supreme over all things Woman yields obedience to the institutions of man.... Woman's business is simply the preparation and supplying of wine and food. She may take no step of her own motion and may come to no conclusion in her own mind." Much the same attitude is expressed in the Kama Suara. written during India's medieval period: A vinuous woman who has affection for her husband should act in conformity with his wishes as if he were a divine being. and with his consent should take upon herself the whole care of his family. When she hears the sound of his footsteps coming home, she should at once get up and be ready to do whatever he may command

her and wash his feet" Women were more like slaves than servants, for servants at least receive modest pay and dignity. Women were objects of enjoyment, necessary tools of the household, and child-bearers maintaining the family line. Their very sense of existence was defined in relation to men; they were allowed no independent identity Girls were often forced to marry old men and were neither allowed to divorce, nor to remarry. once widowed In India, when the husband died, the widow was often burned alive on the funeral pyre with the dead man's corpse In feudal Europe, the church dealt severely with independent-minded

women Many such women were accused of being witches and, after being "convicted" by church on the despair authorities, were burned at the stake. Commenting of women in this cra, Shrii P. R Sarkar said, "Millions of women wept and sobbed themselves to death in the darkness of many a sleepless night. They were just ground and leveled flat like the soft earth under the administrative steam roller of the priestly class]."

In the more secular capitalist era which has followed, religious scripture was less effective of a mechanism for keeping women subordinate (though religious dogmas were still an oppressive influence). A less blatant means was initially used to maintain women's oppressed status they were kept economically dependent. It is not easy for a woman to be assertive with a demanding and abusive husband when he controls the resources for the family's food, clothing and shelter. For long into the capitalist era, women could not even hold property or establish bank accounts in their own name.

In modern industrialized societies women have attained greater control over personal property and more opportunity to work outside the home. But they are often blocked from job advancement beyond a certain point, and they may have to put up with patronizing and sexual harassment.

In a few progressive societies social equality is now better established, and the independent woman has come into her own. But has she attained fully liberated status? Not if she is socialized to define herself largely on the basis of consumption, personal image, and material or sensual experiences. Capitalist society has co-opted the rising aspirations of women; it has not supported their genuine liberation.

     

                                         subasish samal🌍👁️ 

                             

 

CMV and To MV virus hit tomato crop in Maharashtra and Karnataka

Why in CMV and To MV virus news?

Tomato farmers in Maharashtra and Karnataka have attributed the decline in their yields earlier this year to two distinct viruses. Those in Maharashtra reported that their tomato crops were adversely affected by the cucumber mosaic virus (CMV), whereas growers in Karnataka and other South Indian states attributed their losses to the tomato mosaic virus (To MV). In the past three years, farmers cultivating tomatoes have observed a rise in the prevalence of these two viruses, resulting in varying degrees of crop damage, ranging from partial to total loss.

What are CMV and To MV?

The two plant pathogens, despite having similar names and causing similar crop damage, actually belong to different viral families and have distinct modes of transmission. The tomato mosaic virus (To MV) is a member of the Virgaviridae family and shares a close relationship with the tobacco mosaic virus (TMV). It affects various plants, including tomatoes, tobacco, peppers, and certain ornamental plants.

Transmission

To MV spreads through various means, including infected seeds, saplings, agricultural tools, and human contact.

Certain insect vectors, such as thrips and whiteflies, can also transmit the virus.

Symptoms

Infected plants display green mottling and yellowing of leaves, often appearing as blisters or fern-like patterns.

Leaf curling in either an upward or downward direction and distortion may occur.

Younger plants may experience stunted growth, and fruit setting can be affected.

Prevention and Control

Emphasize the implementation of biosafety standards in nurseries and ensure compulsory seed treatment.

Farmers should thoroughly inspect saplings before planting and discard any infected materials.

About cucumber mosaic virus (CMV)

On the other hand, the cucumber mosaic virus (CMV) has a much broader range of host plants. It can infect cucumber, melon, eggplant, tomato, carrot, lettuce, celery, cucurbits (such as squash, pumpkin, zucchini, and some gourds), as well as certain ornamental plants. The name "CMV" originated from its identification in cucumber back in 1934. It is worth noting that CMV has a wider host pool compared to To MV.

Transmission:

CMV primarily spreads through aphids, which are sap-sucking insects capable of acquiring and transmitting the virus within minutes.

Transmission can also occur through infected seeds, mechanical inoculation, and grafting.

Symptoms:

Infected plants exhibit leaf distortion, primarily at the top and bottom, while the middle portion remains relatively unaffected.

In cucumber plants, CMV causes a mosaic-like pattern of yellow and green spots on the leaves.

Fruit formation can be adversely affected, resulting in stunting and reduced production.

Prevention and Control:

The key focus should be on preventing aphids, the primary vector, by employing quick-acting insecticides or mineral oils.

Care should be taken to avoid aphid migration and the spread of the virus to other fields.

Similarities between To MV and CMV

Genome and Replication

Both To MV and CMV have a single-stranded RNA genome that is enclosed within a rod-shaped protein coat.

Both viruses enter plant cells through wounds or natural openings and replicate within the cytoplasm.

They can move systemically throughout the plant via the phloem, spreading to different parts of the plant.

Impact on Crop

Both To MV and CMV have the potential to cause significant crop losses, often approaching  💯 % if not adequately addressed in a timely manner.

The severity of the crop loss depends on t

he susceptibility of the specific crop and the extent of infection.

MANIPUR BURNS IN TEARS

        MANIPUR

      BURNS IN TEARS

M anipur has a long history of ethnic rivalry among the three communities, the Meiteis, the Kukis and the Nagas. The hill tribes claim that valley people have cornered all the developmental works in the state as they enjoy political dominance while Meiteis allege that they are increasingly getting marginalised in their ancestral lanvd. Their population which was 59 per cent of the total population of Manipur in 1951 has now been reduced to 44 per cent as per 2011 Census data. More importantly, they cannot buy land in hill areas where tribals have

 has definitely calmed things down, and formation of peace committee comprising members of civil society to be led by the Governor of Manipur has also helped in restoring normalcy and instituting confidence building measures among the affected communities. One however, needs to wait and watch and see how a long-lasting agreement is reached that would be acceptable to all. It should be done at the earliest and is of utmost importance. At the time of going to press, on June 14 there was another outbreak of violence, one of the worst, in which 9 were killed and 10 injured and the official residence of the only woman minister was set on fire. As Manipur is a sensitive border state having national security implications, the political issues have to be resolved at the earliest.

          

exclusive rights and are forced to remain confined to the Imphal valley.The recent violence which spun out of control began on May 3, after the All Tribal Students Union Manipur (ATSUM) held a solidarity march in all districts opposing the recent Manipur High Court order, which had asked the Manipur State government to send a recommendation to the Centre regarding the demand to include the Meitei community in the Scheduled Tribes (STs) list.  

      According to police sources, an armed mob in the Torbung area of Churachandpur district attacked people of the Meitei community during the May 3 march. This led to retaliatory attacks in the Valley districts. Many shops and houses in Torbung were vandalised and gutted in violence that lasted more than three hours. For the next three days there was an outbreak of great violence and arson in various districts in Manipur, including Churachandpur, imphal East, Imphal West, Bishnupur, Tengnoupal, and Kangpokpi.         

     Following this, district magistrates were authorised by the Manipur government to issue shoot-at-sight orders. On May 4, as the violence escalated, the Centre

invoked Article 355 of the Constitution, an emergency provision that empowers the Centre to take necessary steps to protect a State against ernal aggression or innal disturbances. Convoys of Fucks belonging to the Army Assam Rifles, Rapid Action Fee, and local police personnel spread out all over the affected areas of the state to restore calm. Mobile data and broadband connections were suspended. Many were reported killed and hundreds wounded; and over 9,000 people belonging to the Kuki and Meitei communities and others were displaced. 98 people were killed and 310 injured. 1,988 homes belonging to Meiteis and 1,425 Kuki homes spread across 158 Meitei-dominated villages, 83 Kuki-dominated villages and 33 villages of mixed-population were burnt down or vandalised. These are official figures, actuals could me more. The Centre and the State each contributed Rs 5 lakh for the kin of those who lost their lives in the violence as part of a relief and rehabilitation package for those affected by the conflict. 

          Accord g to defence sources around 9000 people were rescued from vi-hit areas and given shelter. Buildings, homes, and other property, including vehicles, have been destroyed. Though violence was brought to a stop its after effects are visible across Manipur in the form of destroyed infrastructure and people running away from the state out of fear for their lives and more violence. Till May 15, around 7900 people fled the state and as per official figures 1400 people took shelter in Assam's Cachar district and 6520- in Mizoram. Chief Minister N. Biren Singh's plea for calm has proved futile. Suggesting that the violence was the result of a misunderstanding, Singh said that the government was taking all measures to maintain law and order, including requisitioning additional paramilitary fees. Central and State forces have been directed to take strong action against individuals and groups found engaging in violence. Indefinite curfew was imposed in the Meitei-dominated Imphal West Kakching, Thoubal, Jiribam, and Bishnupur districts, as well as in the Kuki-dominated Kangpokpi and Tengnoupal districts. Latest reports said that around 500 people belonging to the Kuki community have sought shelter at the CRPF camp in Lamphelpat in Imphal. In the Motbung area of Kangpokpi district, where the Kuki people have a significant presence, over 20 houses were set on fire. More than 1,000 people belonging to the Meitei community have fled the Kuki-dominated Churachandpur district. Violent incidents also occurred in the border town of Morch in Tengnoupal district, where many Meitel houses were set on fire. Incidents of violence have also been reported from many yarts of the capital cty of Imphal, The immediate provocation for the ethnic arch was the demand for the Meitei comunity, to be included & list. But that is only a suplicit cause. The underlying miger, sinumering for a long time, is hoked out just to the government's clampdown on reserved and protected forests in the State's hill areas but also to the Kukis' feeling of being persecuted. Several Chin, people of the same ethnic group from across the border in Myanmar, have entered India, fleeing violence and persecution, and the government's tough stance against these so- called illegal immigrants has angered the Kukis, whose kin they are. 

   Manipur Chief Minister's

                 

tough stance against what he calls encroachment of reserved and protected forest areas in the hills of Manipur by tribal communities stems from various causes, including the fact that many acres of land in the hills are being used for poppy cultivation. The government sees its crackdown on forest areas as part of a bigger war against drugs, but it is also guilty of using "drug lords" as a blanket term against all Kuki people. Secondly, there is serious pressure on land in Manipur. As populations increase in the tribal villages, they tend to spread out into surrounding forest areas, which they consider their historical and ancestral right. This is contested by the government. Simultaneously, the Meitei, who live in the valleys, ar angry because they are not allowed to settle or buy land in the hill areas, while tribal people can buy land in the valleys. The government has no real policy about how it plans to recognise new villages. Nor is there any transparent forest policy m Manipur. This has led to resentment even within its own

party. On April 12, Paolienlal Haokip, a BJP MLA a Kuki himself, questioned the sudden revenue and forest survey undertaken in the Churachandpur- Khoupum Protected Forest in Churachandpur district, which was designated a protected forest in 1966. In a letter dated April 12 addressed to Biswajit Singh, Minister for Power, Forest, Environment, and Climate Change described the forest survey as a matter of great public anguish andi perceived injustice. Haokip said that he had recently pointed out in the Assembly that the State government's nullification of the orders of an earlier Assistant Settlement Officer (ASOT excluding certain villages from proposed protected forest areas was wrong. He wanted to know how the State government coul nullify the orders of an ASO, the statutory authority under th Indian Forest Act of 1927 to sett any claims of pre-existing righ on land in the absence of a Forc Section Officer (FSO), a post the... is currently vacant. Haokip added that the delay in processing clain cited as a reason, was the fault the authorities concerned and of the landowners. He added that. cannot be a reason for annullie any order that excludes lar claimed by the forum of trig chiefs from the protected for area. He also pointed out tha there were no survey records with the State government, it proved that the Govt. Gazette declaring the Churachandpur-Khoupum forest area as a protected area was flawed and therefore void. He went on to request that further surveys be stopped until there is clarification in the issue. 

 

              Despite the above letter and other tribal people's protests, Manipur's Chief Minister remained unfazed. The day before Haokip's letter, on April 11, at least two of 26 houses were demolished inside the Langol Reserve Forest. On February 21, 2023, residents of K. Songjang village in Churachandpur were evicted after a Google Maps image showed no settlement in the area in 2020. The eviction came after the forest department issued a notestation in November 2022, derogaising 38 villages in the Churachandpur and Noney districts, claiming they fell within the Churachandpur- Khoupum protected forest. The notification said that the permission for settlement was granted to the villages by an officer who was not qualified to do so. But according to the Kukis, the 38 villages, with a population of over 1,000 people each, have existed for the last 50-60 years. The Kuki Inpi Manipur or KIM, the apex body of the Kukis in Manipur, alleged that Biren Singh's statement about the issue was false and intended to divert attention from the dissent of the tribal community against the''authoritarian rule'' in Manipur 

                  The anger within e Kuki community against what sees as its "selective targeting y the BJP-run State government appears to have spilled over dung the current protest march as well, leading to the violence. The Centre has backed Singh's stand. During a recent visit to Manipur, Bhupender Yadav, Union Minister of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, asserted that the 1927 Forest Act became a State subject after Independence but that after the 1976 Amendment, forest land came under the jurisdiction of both the State and Central governments. The State government retains ownership of is forest and was solely respol for protecting reserved and peered forest land, he said.  On March 10 itself, masswere held across hill districts. Thousands of Kukis protested the BJP-run government's so-called selective targeting of Kukis. They had raised slogans against the eviction ofsidents from K. Songjang village. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), a recently formed conglomerate of tribal groups, which includes the Kukis, had called for the rallies. On March 11, the State government retaliated by withdrawing from the ongoing tripartite talks. It withdrew the Suspension of Operation (SOO) agreement with two armed political groups, the Kuki National Army and the Zomi Revolutionary Army, accusing them of inciting protesters during the rallies. The SoO agreement is a ceasefire agreement that the Central and State government signed with the two conglomerates of tribal armed outfits in the hills, the United People's Front and the Kuki National Organisation, in 2008.                                                                  The  kuki National Army and the Zomi Revolutionary Army are both part of the Kuki National Organisation. These are all armed organisations. KIM had asserted that the rallies were a result of public discontent over the "extreme disregard" by the government of the Scheduled Hill areas and of Articles 370 and 371 C of the Constitution, which applied to Manipur. The organisation said that it took exception to the Chief Minister's terming of the rally participants as "encroachers,  poppy cultivators, drug smugglers, and illegal immigrants". Given the existing tensions in the State, the High Court order asking for a government recommendation to grant ST status to Meiteis was seen as provocative. Even among the Meiteis, there is opposition to it. Their history asserts to the Meiteis being a settled agricultural community for over 2,000 years. Invoking Article 355 in the State also seems a rathe extreme response, and points to other motivations for the Centre to keep the tension simmering in Manipur. The excessive build-up of security forces in the State: purportedly in response to the violence, might be indicative of a larger game plan that is more likely related to Manipur's status as a border State. 

          Even though the situation is still tense in various area of the state, it improved since Union Home Minister Amit Shah's four- day-long trip to Manipur between May 29 and June 1. Shah announced a judicial committee headed by a retired high court judge to probe the violence in Manipur. A special CBI team will investigate six specific cases that hint at a conspiracy behind the conflict.

       This has definitely calmed things down, and formation of peace committee comprising members of civil society to be led by the Governor of Manipur has also helped in restoring normalcy and instituting confidence building measures among the affected communities. One however, needs to wait and watch and see how a long-lasting agreement is reached that would be acceptable to all. It should be done at the earliest and is of utmost importance. At the time of going to press, on June 14 there was another outbreak of violence, one of the worst, in which 9 were killed and 10 injured and the official residence of the only woman minister was set on fire. As Manipur is a sensitive border state having national security implications, the political issues have to be resolved at the earliest.

                

                     Subasish samal

            

ODISHA TRAIN TRAGEDY LESSONS

https://subasishsamal.blogspot.com/2023/06/blog-post_24.html

           

                                   

                                                                                                               

         ODISHA                 

         TRAIN TRAGEDY   

                          LESSONS

T

he Balasore Odisha train tragedy of June 2 raises some serious questions on rail safety systems, so say the experts. The media has turned its spotlight on rail safety with full force and many unsavory features of the Indian Railways stand exposed under public scrutiny, starting from the systematic underfunding of the railway safety fund and the slow rollout of rail safety mechanism 'Kavach', to the damming 2022 CAG report on train derailments and the sorry state of railway finances. Though safety cannot be separated from the normal functioning of running trains on schedule and the statutory enquiry would establish the exact cause, safety protocols act as a window to the overall effectiveness of the system. is an important facet of this huge organisation which employed 1,252 347 as of March 31, 2021 and whose this year's

                 The accident clearly brings out that the numbers of trains have now reached a level where the field staff is unable to carry out maintenance without cutting corners

budget was Rs 1.40 lakh crores. However, what goes unnoticed or gets scant attention is the cultural deficit that is the Indian mindset and its attitude towards safety. Take for instance the number of deaths caused due to accidental electrocution. It has risen from 11000 in 2011-12 to.

 13,446 in 2020. India also leads the world in road fatalities. Over 1.5 lakh people men and women who work for the family and children who go to schools are victims on the road. In February this year, Sampark Kranti Express from Bengaluru to New Delhi avoided a head on collision with a stationary train on its tracks only because the alert engine driver saw the looming threat and applied the brake. The principal chief operations manager of South Central Railway had then submitted a report pointing out systemic flaws in the interlockingsystems, that the railways relies on to ensure that showing the green. signal to a train coincides with the switching of the points to let the train run on its intended track

Says Sarabjit Arjan Singh Retired General Manger Railways; "The Coromandel Express accident clearly brings out that the numbers of trains have now reached a level where the field staff are unable to carry out maintenance without cutting corners. For reasons yet to be established the panel interlocking system malfunctioned, which caused the Coromandel Express entering the loop line and colliding with a stabled goods train. Some of the derailed passenger coaches blocked the down main line just when Yashwantpur Howrah Express was speeding towards Howrah resulting in the second accident".

The panel interlocking system ensures and provides information to the driver that the track is clear of any obstructions and the route has been correctly set. Theoretically this system is supposed to be failsafe and there can be no difference between the direction indicated by the signal and the track's setting in fact theengine driver has to blindly follow the signal without a second thought. Herein lies the problem especially when it is dark during night time when he can have no visual confirmation. Nevertheless as Singh says that mismatches between tracks setting signaling are not unknown. They invariably happen when electronic signal maintainers (ESMS who in any case are overworked and are a harassed lot, because there are too few of them in the railways) and the station master have an informal understanding and carry out repairs without stopping trains. This is because the railways central control is very reluctant to agree to blocks.

In fairness one cannot but reemphasise that no railway employee comes to work to cause accidents; exactly opposite is the truth. However as Singh says that if personnel are not following Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) it is more a reflection on the system than on the individuals, Mistakes are windows to how the whole system foioas or malfunction in ac practice This is attributable to say cos at the field level dintenancepersonnel who include officers are under tremendous pressure especially to ensure punctuality and completing maintenance tasks in time with available spare parts and machinery.

The present situation as Singh with his years of rail experience believes is due to the two organisation goals viz. Carrying more passengers by continuously adding trains even when sections are saturated; focusing on increasing train speed and punctuality. These goals make safety goals more difficult. There should be congruency of the three goals, a classic management dictum, which should be aimed at. Safety cannot be compromised at the expense of running more trains and increasing their speed, especially when there is a shortage of capacity to run existing trains. Singh advises that the number of trains must be brought down to what the system can handle. That is the only way, but unfortunately such a decision is unlikely to find favour with politicians of the ruling dispensation. Yet cutting corners in track maintenance, signaling and rolling stock  isfraught with dangers as the recent accident proves - never be allowed. this should

What the railways and the railway ministry must do is to take a close hard look at the existing system and ask themselves whether to cut back on trains in saturated sections. And also to put for sometime at least punctuality on the backburner until the system can recoup its capacities. The authority at the highest level have to accept that time has to be given for maintenance systems to stabilize even at the cost of delaying trains.

And it is of utmost importance to restore a strong safety culture as is prevalent in airlines transportation. This needs to percolate down to the field level. It should be clearly understood that no unsafe condition should be allowed and repairs should be carried out promptly even at the cost of delaying or slowing down trains. This should be left in the hands of the supervisory staff who are authorised to certify tracks, elling stocks and signaling system are free from defects and their judgment and decision would be final. They must not be overruled as that would impinge on safety. Field inspections shouldbe an ongoing and a regular process as that is the only way of knowing whether all railway system are in optimum condition.

Also it goes without saying that focusing on technology alone is not enough. The organisation culture must be changed to match with technological upgrades as and when they are made. When it comes to ensuring safety as Singh says, the departments must work together as a group to solve all maintenance and technical problems. It also means that Railways must tell the key personnel directly related to safety that they needn't blindly follow orders. The organisation must support them in this regard. And organisation changes are also necessary that the railways do not function as collection of departments but a composite whole. If this is done train safety will improve dramcally.

Gleaming s ses and eight lane expresss certainly symbolise mode. But such modernity that leads to critical thinking, scientific advances and innovations that do not simply copy western advancements comes from rational individuals. Institutionalised safety, modern individualism and functional governance systems are so interfaced that they show progress on one side while regressing on the other. Group thinking, blaming the stars or fate for what befalls worldly mortals feed on contributes to India's callous attitude towards safety. What happened in Balasore is unfortunately a single point reflection of that. We have seen so often how trains are overcrowded and people sit on top of the trains to go from one place to another with absolutely no concern for their own and public safety. It's time we must collectively become more safety conscious.          

ଫକୀର ମୋହନ ସେନାପତି ଛମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠ

 

ଛ' ମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠ

ଫକିରମୋହନ ସେନାପତିଙ୍କ ଛ'ମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠ କେବଳ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ନୁହେଁ, ଭାରତୀୟ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ଏକ ପ୍ରମୁଖ ଉପନ୍ୟାସ । ଏହା ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା ୧୮୯୭ ମସିହାରେ । ଏହାର ପ୍ରକାଶନ ଫଳରେ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ତଥା ଭାରତୀୟ ଉପନ୍ୟାସ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ମୂଳ ରିଭି ପଡ଼ିଥିଲା ବୋଲି କୁହାଯାଇପାରେ । ଜମିଦାରମାନଙ୍କ ଦ୍ବାରା ପ୍ରଜାମାନଙ୍କର ଶୋଷଣ ଏହାର ମୁଖ୍ୟ ବିଷୟବସ୍ତୁ । ଭାରତୀୟ ସାହିତ୍ୟରେ ଏପରି ବିଷୟବସ୍ତୁ ଉପରେ କଲମ ଚଳାଇବାରେ ଫକୀରମୋହନ ବୋଧହୁଏ ପ୍ରଥମ ଲେଖକ ଏବଂ ୧୯୩୬ରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ । 'ଗୋଦାନ'ର ପ୍ରଖ୍ୟାତ ହିନ୍ଦୀ ଲେଖକ ପ୍ରେମ୍‌ଚନ୍ଦ୍ରଙ୍କର ସେ ପୂର୍ବସୁରୀ ।

ଫକୀରମୋହନଙ୍କ ଜନ୍ମ ୧୮୪୩ରେ, ବାଲେଶ୍ବର ଜିଲ୍ଲାରେ, ଏକ ଦରିଦ୍ର କୃଷକ ପରିବାର ଶୈଶବରୁ ପିତୃମାତୃହୀନ ହୋଇ ପିତାମହୀଙ୍କ ଦ୍ଵାରା ସେ ଲାଳିତପାଳିତ ହୋଇଥିଲେ ଏବଂ ଶିକ୍ଷାଲାଭରୁ ବଞ୍ଚିତ ହୋଇଥିଲେ । କମ୍ ବୟସରୁ ସେ ଆରମ୍ଭ କଲେ ଶିକ୍ଷକତା । ତାଙ୍କର ବୈଚିତ୍ରମୟ ଘଟଣାବହୁଳ ଜୀବନରେ ସେ ହୋଇଥିଲେ ଶିକ୍ଷକ, କଚେରୀ ଅମଲା, ମୁଦ୍ରାକର ଏବଂ ବିଭିନ୍ନ ଗଡ଼ଜାତରେ ଦେଵାନ୍ ବା ପ୍ରଶାସକ । ତାଙ୍କର ପରଲୋକ ଘଟିଥିଲା ୧୯୧୮ରେ ।

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ଫକୀରମୋହନଙ୍କ ସମୟ ଅର୍ଥାତ୍ ଉନବିଂଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ଶେଷଭାଗ ତଥା ବିଂଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ପ୍ରଥମ ଭାଗ ଓଡ଼ିଶା ଇତିହାସର ଏକ ଅନ୍ଧକାର ଯୁଗ । ଓଡ଼ିଆମାନଙ୍କର ନିଜର ରାଜ୍ୟ ନଥିଲା। ସେମାନଙ୍କ ଆର୍ଥନୀତିକ ଅବସ୍ଥା ଥିଲା ଶୋଚନୀୟ ଶିକ୍ଷା, ସାହିତ୍ୟ ଓ ସଂସ୍କୃତିର ଉନ୍ନତି ବିଧାନ କରିବାକୁ ସୁଯୋଗ ପ୍ରାୟ ନଥିଲା। ପଡ଼ୋଶୀ ପ୍ରଦେଶମାନଙ୍କ ଆଧିପତ୍ୟରେ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ଭାଷାର ସ୍ଥିତି ମଧ୍ୟ ବିପନ୍ନ ହୋଇପଡ଼ିଥିଲା । ଏହି ପରିସ୍ଥିତିରେ ଫକୀରମୋହନ କେବଳ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ନୁହେଁ, ଓଡ଼ିଆ ଭାଷାର ସେନାପତି ଭାବରେ ଆବିଜନ ମର୍ଲିତ ହୋଇଥିଲେ ।

ଓଡ଼ିଆ ଗଦ୍ୟ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ଶ୍ରେଷ୍ଠତମ ଲେଖକ ଭାବରେ ଫକୀରମୋହନ ଆଜି ସମ୍ମାନିତ । କିନ୍ତୁ ପ୍ରଶାସନିକ ଜୀବନରୁ ଅବସର ନେବା ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ସେ ପ୍ରାୟ କୌଣସି ଗଦ୍ୟ ରଚନା କରିନଥିଲେ । ସେ ରଚନା କରି ଚାଲିଥିଲେ ଅସଂଖ୍ୟ କାବ୍ୟ, ପଦ୍ୟ, ଗୀତି କବିତା, ବ୍ୟଙ୍ଗ କବିତା ଓ ପୁରାଣ। ମୂଳ ସଂସ୍କୃତରୁ ସେ ଅନୁବାଦ କରିଥିଲେ ରାମାୟଣ, ମହାଭାରତ ଏବଂ କେତେକ ଉପନିଷଦ । ଗତାନୁଗତିକ କାବ୍ୟଧାରାରେ ଗୃହୀତ ହୋଇନଥିବା କେତେକ ବିଷୟବସ୍ତୁକୁ ସେ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିଥିଲେ ତାଙ୍କ କାବ୍ୟ ସୃଷ୍ଟିରେ ଏବଂ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀ ଧରି ବା ୪ବହୃତ ହୋଇ ନଥିବା ଗ୍ରାମ୍ୟ ଭାଷାରେ ରଚନା କରିଥିଲେ ତାଙ୍କର କାବ୍ୟ କବିତା ।

ଫକୀରମୋହନ ମୋଟ୍‌ରେ ଚାରୋଟି ଉପନ୍ୟାସ, ଦୁଇଟି ଗଳ୍ପ ସଂଗ୍ରହ, ଏବଂ ଗୋଟିଏ ଆତ୍ମଜୀବନୀ ଲେଖିଛନ୍ତି। କେତେକ ସମାଲୋଚକଙ୍କର ବିଶ୍ବାସ ଯେ, ଫକୀରମୋହନଙ୍କ ଲିଖିତ 'ଲଛ ମନିଆଁ ଭାରତୀୟ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ପ୍ରଥମ ଗଳ୍ପ। 'ଲଛମନିଆଁ ବାଲେଶ୍ବରର କୌଣସି ପତ୍ରିକାରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା । ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନ ତାହା ମିଳୁନାହିଁ । କିନ୍ତୁ ଫକୀରମୋହନଙ୍କ 'ଗଳ୍ପସ୍ଵଳ୍ପ' (ପ୍ରଥମ ଓ ଦ୍ୱିତୀୟ ଭାଗ) ନିଃସନ୍ଦେହରେ ପ୍ରମାଣ କରେ- ସେ ଥିଲେ ଗଳ୍ପ ରଚନା କରିବାରେ ଏକ ଅପ୍ରତିଦ୍ବନ୍ଦୀ କଳାକାର । ତାଙ୍କର। ଆତ୍ମଜୀବନ ଚରିତ (୧୯୧୭) ଓଡ଼ିଆରେ ଯେ ପ୍ରଥମ ଆତ୍ମଜୀବନୀ ତାହାନୁହେଁ, ଭାରତୀୟ ଭାଷାମାନଙ୍କରେ ଏଯାବତ୍ ଲିଖିତ ଆତ୍ମଜୀବନୀମାନଙ୍କ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଏକ ଅନନ୍ୟ ଓ ଅସାଧାରଣ ସୃଷ୍ଟି ।

ଫକୀରମୋହନଙ୍କ ଉପନ୍ୟାସଗୁଡ଼ିକ ହେଲା, ଛ'ମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠ, ଲଛମା (୧୯୦୩), ମାମୁଁ

(୧୯୧୩) ଏବଂ ପ୍ରାୟଶ୍ଚିତ (୧୯୧୫) । ଲଛମା ଏକ ଐତିହାସିକ ଉପନ୍ୟାସ । ଅନ୍ୟ ତିନୋଟି ଉପନ୍ୟାସ ସମାଜର ବାସ୍ତବ ଆଲେଖ୍ୟ। ଫକୀର ମୋହନ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ଜଣେ ପ୍ରବୀଣ ସମାଲୋଡ଼ିବ ନଟବର ସାମନ୍ତରାୟ ଯଥାର୍ଥରେ ଦର୍ଶାଇଛନ୍ତି ଯେ ଫକୀର ମୋହନଙ୍କ ଉପନ୍ୟାସଗୁଡ଼ିକ ଅଷ୍ଟାଦଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀରୁ ବିଂଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ମଧ୍ୟଭାଗ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ସାମାଳିକ ଇତିହାସ ।

ଛ' ମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠ ଫକୀରମୋହନଙ୍କର ଶ୍ରେଷ୍ଠତମ କୃତି । ଏହା ଚରିତ୍ରମାନଙ୍କର ଏକ ଆଲେଖ୍ୟଶାଳା । ଚଂପା, ମଙ୍ଗରାଜ, ଭଗିଆ ଓ ସାରିଆ ଭଳି ଏ ଉପନ୍ୟାସର ଚରିତ୍ରମାନେ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ସାହିତ୍ୟରେ ଆର୍କିଟାଇପ୍ ବା ପ୍ରତୀକରେ ପରିଣତ ହୋଇଛନ୍ତି । ସମାଜର ଦଳିତ ଓ ଅବହେଳିତମାନଙ୍କ ପ୍ରତି ଗଭୀର ସହାନୁଭୂତି ଥିଲେ ମଧ୍ୟ ଧନୀକ ଗୋଷ୍ଠୀର ଜୀବନଧାରା ସହିତ ଫକୀରମୋହନ ବିଶେଷ ପରିଚିତ ଥିଲେ । ସେଥିପାଇଁ ଭଗିଆ ଓ ସାରିଆଳ ଦାରିଦ୍ର୍ୟ ଓ କଷଣ ସହିତ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜଙ୍କ ଜମିଦାରୀ ଓ ଅତ୍ୟାଚାରୀ ମନୋବୃତ୍ତି ଏ ଉପନ୍ୟାସରେ ନିଖୁଣ ଭାବରେ । ବର୍ଣ୍ଣିତ ।

ଫକୀରମୋହନ ବାସ୍ତବବାଦ ପରଂପରାରେ ସାହିତ୍ୟ ସୃଷ୍ଟି କରିଥିଲେ। ଛ'ମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠରେ 'ଅସୂରଦୀଘି' ପରିଚ୍ଛଦରେ ସେ ମଇଳା ଓ ଆବର୍ଜନାର ଯେପରି ବର୍ଣ୍ଣନା କରିଛନ୍ତି, ଉନବିଂଶ - ବିଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ପ୍ରଥମ ପାଦର ଜଣେ ଔପନ୍ୟାସିକ ପକ୍ଷରେ ସେଭଳି କରିବା ଯଥାର୍ଥରେ ବିସ୍ମୟକର । ତାଙ୍କର ବ୍ୟଙ୍ଗ ଓ ବିବ୍ରୁପ ତଥା କଥିତ ଭାଷାର ପ୍ରୟୋଗ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ସାହିତ୍ୟରେ ଅତୁଳନୀୟ। ତାଙ୍କ ଗଳ୍ପ, ଉପନ୍ୟାସର ବିଷୟବସ୍ତୁ ସେ ମୋଟାମୋଟି ସଂଗ୍ରହ କରିଥିଲେ ନିଜ ଅନୁଭୂତିରୁ। ସବୁ ଶ୍ରେଣୀର ପାଠକମାନଙ୍କ ନିକଟରେ ସେ ଅଦ୍ୟାବଧି ପ୍ର 'ସରୟ ହୋଇ ରହିଆସିଛନ୍ତି ।

ଫକୀରମୋହନଙ୍କ ଛ'ମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠ ବିଭିନ୍ନ ଭାରତୀୟ ଭାଷା ତଥା ଇଂରାଜୀରେ ଅନୂଦିତ

ହୋଇଛି । ଆମେରିକାର ୟୁନିଭର୍ସିଟି ଅଫ୍ କାଲିଫଣ୍ଡିଆ ପ୍ରେସ୍ ତଥା ଭାରତର ପେଙ୍ଗୁଲନ୍ ପ୍ରକାଶନ ସଂସ୍ଥା

ମଧ୍ୟ ଏହାର ଇଂରାଜୀ ଅନୁବାଦ ପ୍ରକାଶ କରିଛନ୍ତି । ଛ'ମାଣ ଆଠଗୁଣ୍ଠ ଆଜି କେବଳ ଓଡ଼ିଶାରେ ନୁହେଁ,

ଓଡ଼ିଶା ବାହାରେ ତଥା ଭାରତ ବାହାରେ ଗଠିତ ଏବଂ ଆଦୃତ ହେଉଛି 

                                                              ଗଣେଶ୍ବର ମିଶ୍ର ସଭାପତି 

                                                                               ସଭାପତି

                                                           ଓଡ଼ିଶା ସାହିତ୍ୟ ଏକାଡେମୀ.   

                                                                    

।

                           

                             ପ୍ରଥମ ପରିଚ୍ଛେଦ

                          ରାମଚନ୍ଦ୍ର ମଙ୍ଗରାଜ

ରାମଚନ୍ଦ୍ର ମଙ୍ଗରାଜ ଜଣେ ମଫସଲର ଜମିଦାର, ମଧ୍ୟ ମହାଜନ-ନଗଦ ଟଙ୍କା କାରବାର ଠାରୁ ଧାନର ମହାଜନୀ ବେଶି । ଶୁଣାଯାଏ, ଆଡ଼େ ଦୀର୍ଘ ଚାରି କୋଶ ମଧ୍ଯରେ ଆଉ କାହାରି କାରବାର ଚଳେନାହିଁ । ବଡ଼ ଧାର୍ମିକ । ବର୍ଷ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ୨୪ ଟା ଏକାଦଶୀ, ୪୦ ଟା ଥିଲେ ମଧ୍ୟ ଗୋଟାଏ ଯେ ଛାଡ଼ ପଡ଼ନ୍ତା । ଏକଥା ଆମ୍ଭେମାନେ କହିବାକୁ ଅକ୍ଷମ । ଏକାଦଶୀ ଦିନ ତୁଳସୀପତ୍ର ଜଳମାତ୍ର ଅବଲମ୍ବନ । ସେଦିନ ଉପରଓଳି ମଙ୍ଗରାଜଙ୍କର ଜଗା ଭଣ୍ଡାରୀ କଥା କହୁଁ କହୁଁ କହିପକାଇଲା, ପ୍ରତି ଏକାଦଶୀ ଦିନ ସଞ୍ଜବେଳେ ଦ୍ଵାଦ ଶୀ ପାରଣା ସକାଶେ ସାଆନ୍ତଙ୍କଘ ରେ ସେରେ ଦୁଧ, ଦିଶୁଖଇ, ନବାତ, ପାଚଲା କଦଳୀ ରଖାଯାଇଥାଏ । ସେ (ଜଗା) ଦ୍ଵାଦଶୀ ଦିନ ବଡ଼ି ସକାଳେ ତୁଚ୍ଛାବାସନ ମାଜେ । ଏକଥା ଶୁଣି ଜଣ କେତେ ମୁହଁ ଚାହାଁ ଚାହିଁ ହୋଇ ମୁରୁକି ହସୁଥିଲେ । ଜଣେ କହିପକାଇଲା, 'ଡୁବିପାଣି ପିଇଲେ ମହାଦେବଙ୍କ ବାପ ବି ଜାଣିପାରିବ ନାହିଁ । 'ଏ କଥାର ଅର୍ଥ ସଫା ବୁଝାଗଲା ନାହିଁ, ମାତ୍ର ଆମ୍ଭେମାନେ ଅନୁମାନ କରିନେଲୁ, ଏହା ନିନ୍ଦୁକର କଥା । ସେ କଥା ଛାଡ଼, ବରଞ୍ଚ ଆମ୍ଭେମାନେ ସାଆନ୍ତଙ୍କ ସପକ୍ଷରେ ଓକିଲାତି କରିପାରୁ । ଭାଣ୍ଡଶୂନ୍ୟ ହେବା କାର୍ଯ୍ୟଟା ଯେ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜଙ୍କ ଦ୍ଵାରା ଅନୁଷ୍ଠିତ ହୋଇଅଛି, ଏଥିର ଚାକ୍ଷୁଷ ସାକ୍ଷୀ କାହିଁ ? ଶୁଣିବା କଥା ବା ଅନୁମାନ କଥା ପ୍ରମାଣ ରୂପେ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିବାକୁ ଆମ୍ଭେମାନେ ନିହାତି ନାରାଜ । ଅଦାଲତର ହାକିମମାନଙ୍କର ତ ଏହି ରାୟ । ଆଉ ଗୋଟିଏ କଥା ଦେଖ- ବିଜ୍ଞାନଶାସ୍ତ୍ର କହେ, ଜଳୀୟ ପଦାର୍ଥ ସବୁ ବାଷ୍ପାକାର ହୋଇ ଉଡ଼ିଯାଏ । ଦୁଧ ତ ଜଳୀୟ ପଦାର୍ଥ ଜମିଦାର ଘର ଦୁଧ ବୋଲି ବିଜ୍ଞାନ ବିଧି ଡରିବ ପରା ! ପୁଣି ସ େ ମୂଷା ଚୁଚୁନ୍ଦୁରା ଚୁଟିଆ ଥିଲେ ଛାରପୋକ ମଶାମାଛି ଅବା କେଉଁ ଘରେ ନ ଥାନ୍ତି ? ପେଟ ପାଟଣା ପାଇଁ ଜଗତର ସମସ୍ତପ୍ରାଣୀ ଧାଉଁଛନ୍ତି । ପରି ହରିଭକ୍ତି ମାହାତ୍ମ୍ୟ ଶୁଣି ନାହାନ୍ତି । ଏଥକୁ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜଙ୍କ ଧର୍ମନିଷ୍ଠା ଶେଷରେ ସେମାନେ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜଙ୍କ - ବିଳାସ ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥମାହାତ୍ମ୍ୟ ଶୁଣି ନାହାନ୍ତି । ଏଥକୁ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜଙ୍କ ଧର୍ମନିଷ୍ଠା ପ୍ରତି

ସନ୍ଦେହ ଘଟଣାମାନଙ୍କ ଏହି ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ମଧ୍ୟରେ କରିବା ମହାପାପ ବୋଲି ବିଚାର କରୁ । ଆହୁରି ମଧ୍ୟ ପ୍ରତି ନଜର ରଖୁବା ନିମନ୍ତେ ପ୍ରମାଣ ଆଇନରେ ବିଚାରକ ମାନଙ୍କ ପ୍ରତି ବିଶେଷ ବିଧ୍ ଅଛି । ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେ ଉଷୁନା ଛୁଅନ୍ତି ନାହିଁ-ମାଛ ଶୁଖୁଆ କଥାଛାଡ଼ । ଦ୍ଵାଦଶୀ ଦିନ ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ଭୋଜନ କରାଇ ତହିଁ ଉତ୍ତାରେ ପାରଣା କରନ୍ତି । ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେ ଭାରିହୁସିଆର ଲୋକ । ଭୋଜନ ରୂପ ମହତ୍ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟରେ କେତେ ବିଘ୍ନ ଘଟିପାରେ, ଏଥିସକାଶେ ଜଣେ କେଉଟକୁ ମାଣେ ଓ ଗୁଡ଼ିଆକୁ ମାଣେ -ଏପରି ଦୁଇମାଣ ଜମି ଖଞ୍ଜି ଦେଇଛନ୍ତି । ଦ୍ଵାଦଶୀ ଦିନ ଭୋରରୁ କେଉଟ ଦୁଇ ନଉତି ଚୂଡ଼ା ଓ ଗୁଡ଼ିଆ କୋଡ଼ିଏ ପଳ ଗୁଡ଼ ଦାଖଲ କରିଯାଏ । ଗୋବିନ୍ଦପୁର ଶାସନ ୭ ଘର ବ୍ରାହ୍ମ ମଣ -ସମସ୍ତେ ନିମନ୍ତ୍ରିତ ହୋଇ ଆସନ୍ତି ବେଳ ଛଅଘଡ଼ି ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ଭୋଜନି ହୋଇଯାଏ । ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେ ସ୍ଵୟଂ ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ମାନଙ୍କୁ ପରିବେଷଣ କରନ୍ତି । ଥରେ ପତ୍ରରେ ଚୂଡ଼ାଗୁଡ଼ ଲଗାଇ ଦେଲେ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେ ଉଚ୍ଚପାଟିକରି ହାତ ଯୋଡ଼ି କହନ୍ତି , ''ଗୋସେଇଁମାନେ କୁହନ୍ତୁ , ଆଉକିଛି ଲୋଡ଼ା କି ନାହିଁ, ଢ଼େର ଜଳପାନ, ଢ଼େର ଗୁଡ଼ ଅଛି, ମାତ୍ର ମୁଁ ଜାଣେ, ଆପଣ ମାନଙ୍କ ଆଖ୍ ବଡ଼ ପେଟ ସାନ । ଆପଣ ମାନଙ୍କ ପେଟକୁ ବଳି ପଡ଼ିଲାଣି । ' ଏଥ୍ ଉତ୍ତାରେ କୌଣସି ପେଟ ବିକିଳିଆ ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ମାଗି ବସିଲେ ସାଆନ୍ତେ ତିନି ଆଙ୍ଗୁଳିଆ ପାଞ୍ଚ ସାତ ପୁଞ୍ଜାଚୂଡ଼ା ଧରି ପତ୍ରକୁ ଫୋପାଡ଼ି ଦିଅନ୍ତି । ତହିଁ ଉତ୍ତାରେ ଗୋସାଇଁ ମାନେ 'ପୂର୍ଣ ହେଲା, ପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ହେଲା' କହି ଲମ୍ବା ଲମ୍ବା ହାକୁଟି ମାରି ଆଶୀର୍ବାଦ କରି ପତ୍ର ଛାଡ଼ନ୍ତି । ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ଭୋଜନ ଉତ୍ତାରେ ଯେଉଁ ଏକ ନଉତି ଚୂଡ଼ା ଓ ଅଧା ଅଧ୍ ଗୁଡ଼ ବଳି ପଡ଼େ, ତାହା ଭକ୍ତି ପୂର୍ବକ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେସେବାକରନ୍ତି ପାଠକ ଆପଣ ପଚାରିବେ, ନଉତିଏ ଚୂଡ଼ାରେ ସତେଇଶ ଜଣ ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣଙ୍କର ପେଟ କିପରି ଘୂରିଲା? ହରିବୋଲ ଭାଇ ହରିବୋଲ । ଏସବୁ କଥାରେ ଉତ୍ତର ଦେବାକୁ ଗଲେ ଆମ୍ଭମାନଙ୍କର ଆଉ ଲେଖା ଚଳିବ ନାହିଁ । ଯୀଶୁ ଖ୍ରୀଷ୍ଟ ଦୁଇ ଖଣ୍ଡ ରୁଟିରେ ବାରଶତ ଲୋକ ଖୁଆଇଲେ, ପୁଣି ଚାରି ପାଛିଆ ବଳିପଡ଼ିଲା । କାମ୍ୟକ ବନରେ ଶ୍ରୀକୃଷ୍ଣ ଦୁର୍ବାସାଙ୍କ ବାର ହଜାର ଶିଷ୍ୟଙ୍କର ପେଟଟିକିଏ ଶାଗରେ ପୂରାଇ ଦେଇଥିଲେ । ଏହି ମହାପୁରୁଷଙ୍କ ହସ୍ତ - ମହିମା ପ୍ରତି ଯଦି ଆପଣ ଙ୍କର ବିଶ୍ଵାସ ନଥାଏ, ତେବେ ଆମ୍ଭମାନଙ୍କ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜ -ଚରିତ୍ର ପଢ଼ିବା ନିମନ୍ତେ ଅନୁରୋଧ କରିବାକୁ ସାହସ କରିପାରିବୁ ନାହିଁ । ଏପରି ଶୁଣାଅଛି, ତାଙ୍କର ମାଉସି ପୁଅ ଭାଇ ଶ୍ୟାମ ମଲେ ସହରକୁ ଯାଇଥିଲେ ପାପ ଛପା ରହେ ନାହିଁ ସେ କୁସଙ୍ଗରେ ପଡ଼ି ପିଆଜ ମିଶା କୋଟି ଖାଇଥିବା ସାଆନ୍ତଙ୍କ ନିକଟରେ ଅଜଣା ରହିଲାନାହିଁ । ଆଜିଯାଏ ରୁଢ଼ ବଢ଼ି ରହିଥାନ୍ତା ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେ ଖୁବ୍ କମ୍ ଖରଚରେ ଅର୍ଥାତ୍ ଶ୍ୟାମଙ୍କ ଦେଢ଼ବାଟି ପୈତୃକ ଲାଖରାଜରୁ ୧୫ ମାଣ ମାତ୍ର ନେଇ ଖଲାସ କରିଦେଲେ, ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେ ଦିନେ ଶ୍ୟାମକୁ ଡ଼ାକି ମୁରବୀ ପଣିଆ କରି କହିଲେ, ''ଦେଖ ଶ୍ୟାମ, ଏଣିକି ହୁସିଆର ରହ, ମୁଁ ଥୁଲି ବୋଲି ମୋ ମୁଲାଜାରେ ପାଞ୍ଚଜଣ ତୋତେ ଟେକିନେଲେ ସିନା ନୋହିଲେ ତୁ ଏକାବେଳକେ କିରସ୍ତାନ ହୋଇ ଯାଇଥାନ୍ତୁ ~~~~~ତୋ ସାତ ପୁରୁଷ ଅହିନକରେ ପଡ଼ିଥାନ୍ତେ । ଆଉ ମୁଁ ବୋଲି ସିନା ତୋର ମାଣ ପାଞ୍ଚ ଟଙ୍କାରେ ନେଲି, ଆଉ କେହି ଦୁଇ ଟଙ୍କାରେ ଛୁଅନ୍ତା ନାହିଁ । ଯେତେ ହେଲେ ତୁ ତ ଭାଇ, କ'ଣ ତୋତେ ଫୋପାଡ଼ି ଦେବ ? ହେଲେ, ବିପଦ ଆପଦ ବେଳକୁ ମୁଁ ----ଭଲବେଳେ କେହିନୁହେଁ । ଏହି ସେଦିନ ଭୀମା ଗଉଡ଼ର ଫୌଜଦାରୀ ମକଦ୍ଦମାରେ ତୋତେ ଗୁହା ହେବାକୁ କହିଲି, ଘରେ ଲୁଚିଲୁ ଦେଖାଦେଲୁ ନାହିଁ ।

ହାୟ ହାୟ ! ଯେଉଁ ନିନ୍ଦୁକମାନେ ଖ୍ରୀଷ୍ଟଙ୍କୁ କୁଶରେ ଚଢ଼ାଇଲେ, ପରମା ସତୀ ସୀତାଙ୍କୁ ବଣକୁ ପଠାଇଲେ, ସେମାନଙ୍କ ବଂଶଧର ମାନେଯେ ହରିବାସର ଉପବାସୀ ପରୋପକାରୀ ମଙ୍ଗରାଜଙ୍କ ରଚନା କରିବେ, ଏହା କିଛି ବିଚିତ୍ର ନୁହେଁ । ନିନ୍ଦୁକମାନେ ଯେଉଁ କଥା ବହି ବୁଲିବେ, ଆମମାନଙ୍କୁ ନାଚାର ହାଲତରେ ସେ କଥା ବୋଲିବାକୁ ହେଉଅଛି । ସେମାନେ କହନ୍ତି, ମଙ୍ଗରାଜେ ଚାରି କୋଶ ମଧ୍ଯରେ କାହାରି ଗୋଖୋଜରୁ ଖୋଜେ ଜମି ରଖୁଲେ ନାହିଁ । ବାକି ଥୁଲା ଭାଇ ---ଓର ଖୋଜି ଖୋଜି ଏତେଦିନେ ପାଇଲେ । ଶ୍ୟାମ ପିଆଜ ଖାଇ ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ଭୋଜନ କରାଇଲା, ମଙ୍ଗରାଜ ଘର ମାଇକିନିଆମାନେ ଯେ ଚଣାକୁ ପଠାଇ ହାଟରୁ ପିଆଜ କିଣି

ଆଣିଛି ! କଥା ଛଳରେ ଆମ୍ଭେମାନେ ମାନିଗଲୁ, ଚମ୍ପା ପିଆଜ କିଣି ଆଣିଲା । ଖାଇବାର ପ୍ରମାଣ କାହିଁ ?''ପଲାଣ୍ଡୁ ଗୁଞ୍ଜନଵେବ ।---ମନରେ ଖାଇବାକୁ ସିନା ମନା, କିଣିଲେ ପଚିତ ହେବ, ଏ ବିଧ୍ୱଂ କାହିଁ ? ମାତ୍ର ଭଦ୍ରଲୋକ ଘର ମହିଳା ମାନଙ୍କ ଦୋଷାଦୋଷ ସମାଲୋଚନାକାରୀ ନିନ୍ଦୁକମାନଙ୍କ କଥାରେ ଉତ୍ତର ଦେବାକୁ ଆମ୍ଭେମାନେ ସଂପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ନାରାଜ ।

                      

                           --O--

Shivtandava Stothring

 Jata tbi gal jul koala pavit sule gal balambaya langbitang bhujanga punga masiyam.  Dumdumadamatraman naninad lada marbayang chakar chand tandabang tano tuna shiva shivam ||  1||

 Jata Katah Samvra Maru Mannilingap Navanhani

 Bilol Beach Ballari Virajaman Murdhani  Dhagaddhagaddhagand jull bholat patt pabke kishore chandrashekre ratiha pratikhannam mam ||  2 ||

 Dhara Dharand Nandini Bilas Bandhu Bandhur Sphurddigang Tasantati Pramod Man Manse.  Grakataksha Dorni Nirudha Durdharapadi Krichidigambere Mano Binodametu Madarni ||  3 ||

 Jatabhujanga Pingal Sphurana Maniprabha Kadamba Kumdrab Pralipta Dakhvadhumukhe.  Madadh Singhdhu Raur to Guttaryamedu in Mano Binodamadbhuvang Bivartu Ghatvarti ||  4 ||

 Mila Lochan Pravritya Ukhlalekh Shekhar Prasun Dhuli Dorni Vidhu Sarangni Pithabhu.  Bhujangaraj Malaya Nikabada Jat Jutka Shree Chiray Jaytang Chokorbandhu Shekhara ||  5 ||

 Lallat Chatur Jbal Dhananjaya Sfulingava Nipit Pacha Sayakang Namannilingap Naikam.  Sudha mayukh akriya birajman shekharang maha kapali sampade shirojtal mastu na ||  6 ||

 Karal val pattika dhagaddhagaddhagadda jbal dhananjaya huti ket prachand pacha saike.  Dhara Dharand Nandini Kuchagra Pictorial Project Neek Shilpini Trilochne Rathirmam ||  7 ||Naveen Megha Mandali Nirudhadurdhar Sphurat Kuhu Nishith Nitma Prabandha Kaddharah. Nilingap Vangani Dharastnotu Prashikesh Singhdhurah Black Nidhan Bandhurah Sriyang Jagad Jhurrandhra || 5 ||

 Prafulla Neel Pankaj Prapcha Kalim Prabha Balambi Kantha Kandali Ruchi Prapradga Kandharambah. Surakshidang Purchchidang Bhavchchidang Makhchchidang Gajchikandhakachchidang Tamantak Chidang Bhaje || 2 ||

 Akharba sarva mangla kalakdamba manjari ras kolar mauri vijanbhana madhu bratam. Purantakan Purantakan Bhavantakan Makhyatarang Gajatkandhikantak Tamantakantakkan Bhaje || 10 ||

 Jayatvadru bibhu maru marujanga misvas dbinirgamat karam sfurat haral vaal habyabat. वमिद्धुमिद्धुमिद्धुम्त्द द्वनान मरदंग जांगल खांगल खक्डा करम व्यमिद्धुमिद्वा शिव || 11 ||

 Drshad Vichitra Teyoor Rbhujanga Moukti Kasrajor Garishta of Losthyo Suhrid is the opposite wing. வரரிவிந்துக்க்குப்புப்புப்புப்பு மாண்தி யாயா பர்பு க்கு க்கு க்காக்க்கு வாங்கு வாஜாயம் || 12 ||

 Kada nilingpa navanani niquez kotere basan bimukta durmati sab shirah pramanjaling bharb. Bilol lol lochno lalam val lagnaka shiveti mantramuchcharan kada sukhi bhavamayham || 13

 Imang Hi Nityameb Mukr Muttmottmang Stabang Reading Remembrance Bravannaro Vishuddhi Methi Santtam. Hare Guru Subhikamashu Yati Nanyatha Haganang Bimohanang Is Dehinang Sushankarsya Chintanam || 14 ||.                       ଶିବତାଣ୍ଡବ ସ୍ତୋତ୍ରିଂ

ଜଟା ଟବୀ ଗଲ ଜୁଲ ପ୍ରବାହ ପାବିତ ସୁଲେ ଗଲେ ବଲଂବ୍ୟ ଲଂବିତାଂ ଭୁଜଂଗ ପୁଂଗ ମାଲିକାମ୍ | ଡମଡୁମଡ଼ମତୃମନ ନ୍ନିନାଦ ବଡ଼ ମର୍ବୟଂ ଚକାର ଚଂଡ ତାଂଡବଂ ତନୋ ତୁନଃ ଶିବ ଶିବମ୍ || 1 ||

ଜଟା କଟାହ ସଂଭ୍ର ମରୁ ମନ୍ନିଲିଂପ ନିର୍ଝରୀ

ବିଲୋଲ ବୀଚି ବଲ୍ଲରୀ ବିରାଜମାନ ମୁର୍ଧନି | ଧଗଦ୍ଦଧଗଦଧଗନ୍ଦ ଜୁଲଲ ଭୁଲାଟ ପଟ୍ଟ ପାବକେ କିଶୋର ଚଂଦ୍ରଶେଖରେ ରତିଃ ପ୍ରତିକ୍ଷଣଂ ମମ || 2||

ଧରା ଧରଂଦ୍ର ନଂଦିନୀ ବିଲାସ ବଂଧୁ ବଂଧୁର ସ୍ଫୁରଦ୍ଦିଗଂ ତସଂତତି ପ୍ରମୋଦ ମାନ ମାନସେ | କୃପାକଟାକ୍ଷ ଧୋରଣୀ ନିରୁଦ୍ଧ ଦୁର୍ଧରାପଦି କୃଚିଦ୍ଦିଗଂବରେ ମନୋ ବିନୋଦମେତୁ ବସ୍ତୁନି || 3 ||

ଜଟାଭୁଜଂଗ ପିଂଗଳ ସ୍ଫୁରଣା ମଣିପ୍ରଭା କଦଂବ କୁମଦ୍ରବ ପ୍ରଲିପ୍ତ ଦିଗ୍ବଧୂମୁଖେ | ମଦାଧ ସିଂଧୁ ରୟୁରରୁ ଗୁତ୍ତରୀୟମେଦୁରେ ମନୋ ବିନୋଦମଦ୍ଭୁତଂ ବିଭର୍ତୁ ଭୂତଭର୍ତରି || 4 ||

ସହସ୍ର ଲୋଚନ ପ୍ରଭୃତ୍ୟ ଶେଷଲେଖ ଶେଖର ପ୍ରସୂନ ଧୂଲି ଧୋରଣୀ ବିଧୁ ସରାଂଗ୍ନି ପୀଠଭୂ | ଭୁଜଂଗରାଜ ମାଲୟା ନିବଦ୍ଧ ଜାଟ ଜୁଟକଃ ଶ୍ରିୟୈ ଚିରାୟ ଜାୟତାଂ ଚକୋରବଂଧୁ ଶେଖରଃ || 5||

ଲଲାଟ ଚତୁର ଜ୍ବଲ ଦ୍ଧନଂଜୟ ସ୍ଫୁଲିଂଗଭା ନିପୀତ ପଂଚ ସାୟକଂ ନମନ୍ନିଲିଂପ ନାୟକମ୍‌ । ସୁଧା ମୟୂଖ ଲେଖୟା ବିରାଜମାନ ଶେଖରଂ ମହା କପାଲି ସଂପଦେ ଶିରୋଜଟାଲ ମସ୍ତୁ ନଃ || 6 ||

କରାଲ ଭାଲ ପଟ୍ଟିକା ଧଗଦ୍ଧଧଗଦ୍ଧଧଗଦ୍ଦ ଜ୍ବଲ ଦ୍ଧନଂଜୟା ହୂତୀ କୃତ ପ୍ରଚଂଡ ପଂଚ ସାୟକେ | ଧରା ଧରଂଦ୍ର ନଂଦିନୀ କୁଚାଗ୍ର ଚିତ୍ରପତ୍ରକ ପ୍ରକଳ୍ପ ନୈକ ଶିଳ୍ପିନି ତ୍ରିଲୋଚନେ ରତିର୍ମମ || 7 ||          

   

ନବୀନ ମେଘ ମଂଡଲୀ ନିରୁଦ୍ଧଦୁର୍ଧର ସ୍ଫୁରତ୍ କୁହୁ ନିଶୀଥ୍ ନୀତମଃ ପ୍ରବଂଧ ବଦ୍ଧ କଂଧରଃ | ନିଲିଂପ ନିର୍ଝରୀ ଧରସ୍ତନୋତୁ କୃଷି ସିଂଧୁରଃ କଳା ନିଧାନ ବଂଧୁରଃ ଶ୍ରିୟଂ ଜଗଦ୍ ଝୁରଂଧରଃ || ୫ ||

ପ୍ରଫୁଲ୍ଲ ନୀଲ ପଂକଜ ପ୍ରପଂଚ କାଲିମ ପ୍ରଭା ବଲଂବି କଂଠ କଂଦଲୀ ରୁଚି ପ୍ରବଦ୍ଧ କଂଧରମ୍ଭ । ସୁରକ୍ଷିଦଂ ପୁରଚ୍ଛିଦଂ ଭବଚ୍ଛିଦଂ ମଖଚ୍ଛିଦଂ ଗଜଛିକାଂଧକଚ୍ଛିଦଂ ତମଂତକ ଛିଦଂ ଭଜେ || ୨ ||

ଅଖର୍ବ ସର୍ବ ମଙ୍ଗଲା କଲାକଦଂବ ମଂଜରୀ ରସ ପ୍ରବାହ ମାଧୁରୀ ବିଜଂଭଣା ମଧୁ ବ୍ରତମ୍ | ପୁରାଂତକଂ ପୁରାଂତକଂ ଭବାଂତକଂ ମଖ୍ୟାତରଂ ଗଜାତକାଂଧିକାଂତକଂ ତମଂତକାଂତକଂ ଭଜେ || 10 ||

ଜଯତ୍ୱଦରୁ ବିଭୁ ମରୁ ମରୁଜଂଗ ମିଶ୍ବସ ଦ୍ବିନିର୍ଗମତ୍ କ୍ରମ ସ୍ଫୁରତ୍ ହରାଲ ଭାଲ ହବ୍ୟବାଟ୍ | ଧୂମିଦଧୂମିଦଧୂମିତ୍ତ ଧ୍ଵନନ୍ ମୃଦଙ୍ଗ ଜଂଗ ମଙ୍ଗଲ ଧ୍ୱନି କ୍ରମ ପ୍ରବର୍ତିତ ପ୍ରଚଂଡ ତାଂଡବ ଶିବ || 11 ||

ଦୃଷଦ୍ ବିଚିତ୍ର ତୟୋର ର୍ଭୁଜଂଗ ମୌକ୍ତି କସ୍ରଜୋର୍ ଗରିଷ୍ଠ ର ଲୋଷ୍ଠୟୋ ସୁହୃଦ୍ ବିପକ୍ଷ ପକ୍ଷୟୋ | ତୃଣାରବିଂଦ ଚକ୍ଷୁଷୋ ପ୍ରଜାମହୀ ମହେନ୍ଦ୍ର ଯୋ ସମ ପ୍ରବୃତ୍ତି କଃ କଦା ସଦାଶିବଂ ଭଜାମ୍ୟହମ୍ || 12 ||

କଦା ନିଲିଂପ ନିର୍ଝରୀ ନିକ୍ୟୁଜ କୋଟରେ ବସନ୍ ବିମୁକ୍ତ ଦୁର୍ମତିଃ ସଦା ଶିରଃ ପ୍ରମଂଜଲିଂ ବହନ୍ | ବିଲୋଲ ଲୋଲ ଲୋଚନୋ ଲଲାମ ଭାଲ ଲଗ୍ନକଃ ଶିବେତି ମଂତ୍ରମୁଚ୍ଚରନ୍ କଦା ସୁଖୀ ଭବାମ୍ୟହମ୍ || 13 |

ଇମଂ ହି ନିତ୍ୟମେବ ମୁକ୍ର ମୁତ୍ତମୋତ୍ତମଂ ସ୍ତବଂ ପଠନ୍ ସ୍ମରଣ ବୃବନ୍ନରୋ ବିଶୁଦ୍ଧି ମେତି ସଂତତମ୍ | ହରେ ଗୁରୌ ସୁଭକ୍ତିମାଶୁ ୟାତି ନାନ୍ୟଥା ଗତଂ ବିମୋହନଂ ହିଁ ଦେହିନାଂ ସୁଶଂକରସ୍ୟ ଚିଂତନମ୍ || 14 ||