SUBASISH SAMAL

 Sarg Shashi is our maternal grandfather

 Relations with India are high

 Vikram has gone to uncle's house

 Wander there to your heart's desire

 Science has gone with him

 Take photos every now and then

 Whether my uncle is at home or not

 Those two brothers will understand the news

 A wise man is a fool

 Pragya-Vikram Jagga Dhole

 Walk around uncle's house

 Bari garden is there

 Hard or soft soil

 The climate is cold or hot

 Is there a fox in my uncle's house?

 Or what creatures are there

 What did you put under the soil?

 Gold, Diamond, Lila or Piyush

 Nephew sent God by hand

 He has taken the road with him

 Hail, rain, winter in the south

 Now the cow will tell the weather

 Boo here you are there

 Good uncle you are so far away

 It is said to be my uncle

 The uncle is leaving the nephew

 How are you son?

 You have forgotten about the sister

 Both properties belong to Bower

 Chandra Mandal is our treasure

 Are you ignorant of that?

 You have forgotten the nephews

 We haven't forgotten you uncle

 I went to your house today

 Nephew's good and bad will understand

 You will write everything at home

 ISRO Post Office is our address

 Flying there is a triangle.        

            

                                     Subasish samal

 ଆମ ଜହ୍ନମାମୁଁ ସରଗ ଶଶୀ

  

SUBASISH SAMAL
ଆମ ଜହ୍ନମାମୁଁ ସରଗ ଶଶୀ
ଭାରତ ସହିତ ସମ୍ପର୍କ ବେଶି

ବିକ୍ରମ ଯାଇଛି ମାମୁଁ ଘରକୁ
ବୁଲିବ ସେଠାରେ ମନ ଇଛାକୁ.   

ପ୍ରଜ୍ଞାନ ଯାଇଛି ସାଙ୍ଗରେ ତା'ର

ଫଟୋ ଉଠେଇବ ଥରକୁ ଥର

ମାମୁଁ ଘରେ ମାଇଁ ଅଛି କି ନାହିଁ

ଖବର ବୁଝିବେ ସେ ଦୁଇ ଭାଇ

ଆମ ଜହ୍ନମାମୁଁ ସରଗ ଶଶୀ

ଭାରତ ସହିତ ସମ୍ପର୍କ ବେଶି

ବିକ୍ରମ ଯାଇଛି ମାମୁଁ ଘରକୁ

ବୁଲିବ ସେଠାରେ ମନ ଇଛାକୁ.       

ଜଣେ ବୁଦ୍ଧିଆକୁ ଜଣେ ବଳୁଆ

ପ୍ରଜ୍ଞାନ-ବିକ୍ରମ ଜଗା ବଳିଆ

ବୁଲିବେ ମାମୁଁଙ୍କ ଘର ଦୁଆର

ବାରି ବଗିଚା କି ଅଛି ସେଠାର

କଠିନ ମାଟି କି ଅବା ନରମ

ଜଳବାୟୁ ଥଣ୍ଡା କିବା ଗରମ

ଠେକୁଆ ଅଛି କି ମାମୁଁଙ୍କ ଘରେ

ଅବା କେଉଁ ଜୀବ ଅଛି ସେଠାରେ

ମାଟି ତଳେ ମାମୁଁ ରଖିଛ କିସ

ସୁନା, ହୀରା, ଲୀଳା ଅବା ପିୟୂଷ

ଭଣଜା ହାତରେ ଦେବ ପଠାଇ

ସାଙ୍ଗରେ ତ ଗାଡ଼ି ନେଇଛି ସେହି

ତମ ପଟେ ଖରା, ବରଷା, ଶୀତ

ଏବେ କୋଉ ପାଗ କହି ଦେବ ତ

ବୋଉ ଏଠି ଅଛି ତୁମେ ସେଠାରେ

ଭଲ ମାମୁଁ ତମେ ଏତେ ଦୂରରେ

ଜହ୍ନମାମୁଁ ବୋଲି ହୁରି ପଡୁଛି

ଭଣଜାକୁ ଛାଡି ମାମୁଁ ବୁଲୁଛି

ପଚାରୁନି ପୁଅ କେମିତି ଅଛ

ଭଉଣୀ କଥା ତ ଭୁଲି ଯାଇଛ

ଦୁହିତା ସମ୍ପତ୍ତି ଭାଗ ବୋଉର

ଚନ୍ଦ୍ର ମଣ୍ଡଳ ତ ଆମ ଅଜାର

ସେକଥା ତୁମେ କି ପାଶୋରି ଅଛ

ଭଣଜାମାନଙ୍କୁ ଭୁଲି ଯାଇଛ

ଆମେ ଭୁଲି ନାହୁଁ ମାମୁଁ ତୁମକୁ

ଆଜି ଗଲୁ ତେଣୁ ତୁମ ଘରକୁ

ଭଣଜାଙ୍କ ଭଲ ମନ୍ଦ ବୁଝିବ

ତୁମ ଘର କଥା ସବୁ ଲେଖିବ

ଇସ୍ରୋ ଡାକଘର ଆମ ଠିକଣା

ଉଡୁଥିବ ସେଠି ତ୍ରିରଙ୍ଗା ବାନା

SOCIAL MEDIA CENSORSHIP

 The Next Step in Government -Led Internet

CENSORSHIP Without Transparency is Here

Il, if not most, social media users are critical of the content moderation policies of social media platforms. After all, there is little to like about massive Silicon Valley corporations which harvest our behavioral data to serve us ads, fail to take down hate speech, and instead censor people without meaningful transparency.

This underlying sentiment finds force within a new censorship body, namely, Grievance Appellate Committees (GACs) which became operational on March 1, 2023. They allow users of intermediaries - social media platforms, internet services providers and search engines,

among others in India to file appeals against the decisions of the Grievance Redressal Officer of platforms or their failure to act on complaints made to them. These may include complaints made with the intent to censor offensive content, requests to restore accounts or posts. and so on

Now, all of this will seem very sensible to many people. After all, these platforms lack transparency, and finally, there is some government oversight in the form of these GACs. Such a view would further advance att argument that one should trust public authorities that would obviously protect the freedom of speech and expression of ordinary Indians while safeguarding them from dangers. This was one of the motivations for the Ministry of Electronics and IT (MeitY), which claimed that GACs would address grievances being "left unaddressed and unsatisfactorily addressed by internet intermediaries".

Here, we must consider that the legal basis of the GAC itself is questionable. It has neither been constituted by the legislature nor has the legislature permitted the executive to constitute the GAC through any clear provision under the Information Technology Act, 2000. This fits a wider pattern of illegality that is likely to cause censorship and government-led content moderation on social media platforms, without any transparency.

Any faith in the GACs also fails to consider that rather than an independent adjudication. mechanism, it would be subservient to the Union government. After all, there are no clear appointment criteria within the notified IT Amendment Rules, there is a lack of security of tenure, and that is accompanied by the carrot of lucrative financial remuneration. At present, there are three existing GACS that have been notified directly by the Ministry of Electronics and IT. A flavour of the qualifications of the adjudicators within these GAC's us per the notification dated January 27, 2023 includes serving and retired government officers from the home ministry, police services and armed forces. There is also some private sector participation of former senior management personnel of large companies without the presence of any people who are from domum experts on platform regulation, civil society. academia ferget retired judges. even people who are formally qualObscure process,ified and practice law have been excluded

Obscure process,

reporting mechanism 

In about two weeks, these three GAC have received 23 appeals, of which they have disposed off nine. with the entire process being

conducted digitally on an online platform. This has been set up as per the announcement by MeitY when it announced the creation of GACS in a press release which stated that the appeals will have to be raised on the GAC website, and the entire appeal process, from filing the appeal to the decision thereof, will be conducted digitally The press release also revealed that "periodic reviews of GACS and reporting and disclosures of GAC orders will also be part of process (sic)"

However, till date, none of the GAC orders by themselves have been made public. This means that either the appeals have been dismissed or directions have been issued to intermediaries to take down, or reinstate portions of their service. This may ordinarily include social media posts and hence it may have a natural impact on the freedom of speech and expression, or more specifically the fundamental right to receive information. Today, social media censorship is being done by a body appointed by the Union Government without proper transparency.

The mystery around GACs's reporting mechanism and periodic reviews doesn't end there. Details such as how frequently and by whom these periodic reviews will be conducted, the basis on which

they were selected/appointed to do so, etc., are still unknown.

There is no dearth of procedural and operational ambiguities with the GAC Reportedly, each GAC is supposed to have a Project Management Unit (PMU), which consists of 2 appointed members. It was also reported that the PMU "evaluate and prioritise" the appeals, following which the other GAC members will deliberate and discuss. Details on what basis, criteria or parameters the PMU will prioritise among the tens of thousands of appeals and then segregate it among the three GACS have not been disclosed till now. The PMU, which was supposedly created in anticipation of a large number of complaints coming in, has had no official mention so far and its existence was reported for the first time in a news article mere days before the GACS became operational. Thus, it is no surprise that the basis and criteria for appointing the members of the PMU, the details of its composition (number of members, qualification requirements. diversity of the unit, etc), and its roles and responsibilities all continue to remain a mystery

Due to substantive concerns and procedural opacity, the Internet Freedom Foundation filed an RTI appeal on March 14, 2023. seeking information on the reasoned orders passed by the GACs, details on the GACs and the number of disposed of appeals by each of the three committees, details of intermediaries against whose decisions the appeals were filed, and plans of the GACS to publicly disclose the orders. This portends another worrying, development for censorship in India which will be carried out insecret. 

                 

                         Subasish samal

Tracing  the History of Globalism         

     The world economy opening up after 1980 had no historical protest, it was doing so in a mere permanent.   way.

In the sphery of economics "Be local think global" is the cry of the Proutists. In this piece let us briefly trace the history of Globalism.

The end of the Cold War was the beginning of globalisation -or, at least, that is when people began to talk about it. The term itself entered mainstream discourse in 1983, with an article in the Harvard Business Review by the economist Theodore Levitt. The article lauded the global expansion of markets for manufacturers as the start of a process that would inexorably make the world a better place by breaking down the walls of economic instahy neionalism, and chauvinism." A decade later, talk of globalisation was ubiquitous By then, capitalism had triumphed over communism, and one form of capitalism

--dedicated to dismantling economic and labor regulations, barriers to trade, and exchange controls-had supplanted the more managed, state-run version of the immediate postwar decades.

Globalisation was more than a mere term, of course. Over the last three decades, the world has radically changed and become far more connected by revolutionary technologies, supply chains, and delivery systems. Trade in goods has soared as a proportion of world GDP; cross-border financial flows have grown faster still.

Geopolitical shifts in economic power have seen the rise of a prosperous middle class across much of what is commonly referred to as "the global South," or the bulk of African, Asian, and Central and South American countries. As producers opted for cheaper labor overseas, especially in China, Central America, and Southeast Asia, organized labor in the former manufacturing heartlands of the developed world was decimated. Interdependence and hyper-connectivity also sped

  

            up the transmission of global afflictions, from the series of sovereign debt crises that ran across South America, Eastern Europe, and East Asia in the 1990s to the COVID-19 pandemic.

For a long time, this extraordinary shift in the way the world works lacked any serious historical contextualization. Economists had long ago lost their predecessors' interest in history and instead turned toward mathematics. Historians, for their part, were becoming ever less numerate, and by the time of the 2007-8 financial crisis, they had relinquished almost any interest in macroeconomic change. In fact, it is only in the last decade that scholars have seriously begun to think historically about globalisation.

The relative openness of borders before World War I fostered political activism and economic entrepreneurship. The closing of borders during the war, along with the British continental blockade, led to malnutrition, pandemics, and an enduring anxiety throughout the interwar years about ensuring the security of the national food supply. Fascism's breeding ground lay in the poverty and instability caused by the collapse of political order in central Europe, in particular, as well as in the dislocation caused by: the international economic crisis of the early 1930s. What unites Zahra's large and diverse cast of characters is their role in the grand drama of the struggle between those who stood for some kind of internationalism and their more nationalist and nativist opponents.

Early opponents of globalisation in people who disliked free trade and unfettered immigration, worried about fragile, far-flung supply chains. across oceans and fretted when domestic workers lost out to cheaper labor abroad. The Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, was both radically nationalist and anti- global; anti-Semitic violence in central Europe was a violent manifestation of anti-globalism, and Jews were targeted as symbols. of international finance, unchecked migration, cosmopolitanism, and national disloyalty. In these and other ways, the concerns of anti- globalizers a century ago sound familiar today.    

                                                                              On the other hand, the growth 

patterns of recent de re unprecedented and without plausible parallel. Betwee980 and 2008, Europe's export GDP ratio grew from 24.3 41.1 percent, and the worldwide figure from 20.4 to 31 percent. Border- crossing financial markets, institutions, and elites rapidly gained enormous control over national economies. In short, the degree of openness in the world economy around the year 2000 was far greater than in any other period in history.

Not only was the world economy opening up after 1980 in a way that had no historical precedent, but it was doing so in a more permanent way. World trade at the bottom of the interwar slump was down a third from its 1929 height; the slump after 2009 was not nearly so pronounced or so lengthy. In other words, the interwar years in Europe were roiled by a crisis of a severity that has not been matched since.

On the whole, nationalism is a bad thing and that fascist politics were what you might well end up with if you turned your back on free trade, unrestricted migration and the gold standard the interwar versus of globali Zahra thay offers a message color like that of globalisation's proponents today In so doing, dic portrays interwar politics in ways that obscure sonic of the rea)) challenges of those times

The question of how to dial with the spread of nationalism after World War I was unquestionably at the top of the international agenda a cenimy ans The nation-state's march of mumph had begun in the mod nineteenth century and continued with new vigor at the Pare Peace Conference in 1919, when the victonous Allies presided over the dismembering of the Habsburg and Ottoman empires treating the modern map of Eastern Europe and the Middle fast. The process resumed again after World War II with decolonization in what was left of the European copies Borders proliferated and made

international economie life harder No real alternatives stood in the way of the spread of the nation state Empires could not simply be restored. Yet preserving prosperity in a world of nation-states was complicated by radical changes in every domain of life. For one thing. World Wars had increased rates of political participation and taken governance out of the hands of older elites At the same time, the collapse of the nineteenth-century gold standard meant that the international monetary system required concerted management for the first time.

In such circumstances. opposition to globalisation was rational It made sense on many national governments in the early 1930s to abandon the gold standard, opt for autarky, support or nationalize industry that sought to replace imports, and subsidize domestic grain production Such moves did not inevitably lead to  fascism the outcome in many countries was quite different Indeed, from the 1930s to the 1960s, the thrust of development economics across much of the global South was premised on this model the promotion of national prosperity by state-led industrialization drives that identified lant industries and facilitated urbanization

If a return to empire offered no clear ideological alternative to interwas nationalism that left only one other option: Bolshevism. And yet it was the manifest failures of early twentieth-century capitalism to improve living standards for the masses that more than any other single factor helped give Bolshevism worldwide appeal Lenin's desire to export world revolution because the universal ambitions of communism complicate even further the binary framework of globalizers and antiglobalizers? The commitment to build socialism in one country never led the Kremlin to abandon its longer-term desire to see communism triumph worldwide. Theirs was surely a form of global politics, utterly distinct from any other .

      The real lessons to be learned from the collapse of unspean democracy in the interwar years and its saboquent postwar revival nationalism not only framed democracy's demise in the 1910s it als framed democracy's recovery after 1945

Democracy was not restored in Westem Europe because of globalisation. That restoration came about because of how national governments stewarded their economies, producing steady economic growth and decades of low unemployment Indeed, after 1950, national economies opened up only slowly to one another regional integration took decades

The real lesson drawn at the time from the tumultuous interwar years was that laissez-faire economics could be fatal and that politicians had to understand the need for strategic national leadership Today, thanks in no small measure to decades of globalisation, politicians have abandoned this understanding of their responsibility and have coded theit power to central banks, constitutional courts, and the private sector The last thing societies need at the moment is to be told that democracy, now or in the past, depends on globalisation.       

             

          Subasish samal..☺️🌎

         

                          

COORDINATED COOPERATION HISTORY OF WOMEN'S SUBORDINATION

 COORDINATED COOPERATION

                   HISTORY OF    

                    WOMEN 'S

             SUBORDINATION

     

For society to advance with collective spirit and express its full vitality there must be close cooperation between its members. This cooperation should be coordinated cooperation, not subordinated cooperation. It should not be the relationship of master and servant, but that of people having mutual respect and cordiality. Coordinated cooperation should be the norm in all human relationships. There should be coordinated cooperation in the workplace, in political life, in religious life, in educational institutions, in international relations, in relations between ethnic groups, etc. At present, however, there are many spheres of social life in which interactions occur on a subordinated basis.           One sphere and n which subordinated cooperation has long been pervasive is in the relations between men and women. In most societies and social settings, women do not enjoy the same privileges, they are not given the same respect, they do not possess an equal measure of independence, and they do not have the same opportunity to develop their potentialities as do men.    

      Not only to be women suffer from oppression at the whole society is burden When women are confined to the household or to menial occupations, society's progress is stunted. This condition is much less prevalent in industrialized countries; yet even here, where women's capacities are better expressed and their rights better established, they often don't enjoy full dignity and opportunity. It is the birthright of women to enjoy the same dignity and opportunity as men, and this birthright must be established within the homes, at the workplace, in the schoolrooms, and on the streets. As many women have come to understand, these rights cannot be easily established if they wait patiently for their due. Securing one's rights does not occur spontaneously but comes through struggle and the exertion of power.

     Women should not be alone in this struggle, nor need they depend solely on social agitation to secure respect. It is the duty of men to see that their sisters, mothers, wives, daughters, and women friends obtain equal access to skills and resources, knowledge and culture, and challenges and opportunities. Men have privileged position in the society in part due to the self- sacrificing nature of women. Women trustingly surrendered a measure of their rights and privileges to men, so it is the obligation of men to help restore women's independence and respect.

  History of women's subordination

Women were always subordinated to men prehistoric times, women had at the same adversities of a bostile environment as did ren, and they had to be self-reliant de dere was often not the support mate who identified as the father of the offspring. In such conditions, women not only survived on their own strength but did so while caring for their children.

 In the late Paleolithic era, when the social structure became more evolved, women held prominent status. Archeological evidence suggests that these early societies were mainly matriarchal. The wisest and most spirited women were made group mothers, and other members of the clan took the name of the group mother in designating their lineage.

Even today there are matriarchal tribal societies, and among many tribal people matrilineal descent is still followed. Many Native American societies were matrilineal. "The Great Law of Peace", which defined the governing structure of the Iroquois League of Six Nations, stated that "The lineal descent of the people of the Six Nations shall run in the female line. Women shall be considered the progenitors of the Nation. Men and women shall follow the status of their mothers." And even today, in tribal societies where matriarchy and matrilineal descent are no longer followed, there is no lack of liberal-mindedness with respect to women's freedom.

Anthropological evidence does not support the view that it is natural for women to be in a servile role, or that woman's place is in the home under the man. Instead we find that at the birth of human society, women were often the recognized leaders and that their social status is still respected in tribal cultures.

How did the status of women get degraded? In the early phase of civilization, as population grew and tribal territory expanded, the masily male warriors and chieftains fought to enlarge their domains or to protect their realms from conquest. They engaged in their warfare with a respect for the values of dignity and honor. This awakened in them a sense of conscience. To slay the unarmed or the aged; to stab a person in the back; or to murder those who surrendered- all went against their code of honor. Human values began to supplant their brutish ways. This sense of conscience led the males to develop feelings of responsibility towards family life, so there came to be a sense of duty towards mate and offspring. In this social context, the institution of marriage evolved, and the husband assumed increasing responsible to provide for the family. Women, in turn, became more dependent on men. With this social change, the status of men increased, and group mothers lost their status. And, due to the prestige of the heroic warriors, children sought to become heirs to their father's tradition and rank. So matrilineal descent eventually died out, and patrilineal descent became the norm.

Subasish samal

In the warrior cra women may have lost their ruling position and some social rights, but they lost little of their social status. In the Age of Antiquity, women. generally possessed dignity, and their privileges were comparable to those of men in many spheres of life. On the whole, they WITO regarded as men's coworkers

It was during the next ers when society came to he dominated by the priestly clas that women lost their dignity, became wage-less slaves, and were treated as objects of men's enjoyment PR Sarkar observed that, "Conspiring to cripple women in every way the [priestly class] evolved divine commandments together with numerous scriptural injunctions, para-logical tencts, and imaginary yarns of sin and virtue. Listening to these it seems to one's mind as though man alone is the chosen human of God, the rest of humanity have taken birth only to provide him with the wherewithal for enjoyment."

The instructions on "right behavior" for women found in Confucius' book, Anelect. illustrate this point: "Man is the representative of Heaven and is supreme over all things Woman yields obedience to the institutions of man.... Woman's business is simply the preparation and supplying of wine and food. She may take no step of her own motion and may come to no conclusion in her own mind." Much the same attitude is expressed in the Kama Suara. written during India's medieval period: A vinuous woman who has affection for her husband should act in conformity with his wishes as if he were a divine being. and with his consent should take upon herself the whole care of his family. When she hears the sound of his footsteps coming home, she should at once get up and be ready to do whatever he may command

her and wash his feet" Women were more like slaves than servants, for servants at least receive modest pay and dignity. Women were objects of enjoyment, necessary tools of the household, and child-bearers maintaining the family line. Their very sense of existence was defined in relation to men; they were allowed no independent identity Girls were often forced to marry old men and were neither allowed to divorce, nor to remarry. once widowed In India, when the husband died, the widow was often burned alive on the funeral pyre with the dead man's corpse In feudal Europe, the church dealt severely with independent-minded

women Many such women were accused of being witches and, after being "convicted" by church on the despair authorities, were burned at the stake. Commenting of women in this cra, Shrii P. R Sarkar said, "Millions of women wept and sobbed themselves to death in the darkness of many a sleepless night. They were just ground and leveled flat like the soft earth under the administrative steam roller of the priestly class]."

In the more secular capitalist era which has followed, religious scripture was less effective of a mechanism for keeping women subordinate (though religious dogmas were still an oppressive influence). A less blatant means was initially used to maintain women's oppressed status they were kept economically dependent. It is not easy for a woman to be assertive with a demanding and abusive husband when he controls the resources for the family's food, clothing and shelter. For long into the capitalist era, women could not even hold property or establish bank accounts in their own name.

In modern industrialized societies women have attained greater control over personal property and more opportunity to work outside the home. But they are often blocked from job advancement beyond a certain point, and they may have to put up with patronizing and sexual harassment.

In a few progressive societies social equality is now better established, and the independent woman has come into her own. But has she attained fully liberated status? Not if she is socialized to define herself largely on the basis of consumption, personal image, and material or sensual experiences. Capitalist society has co-opted the rising aspirations of women; it has not supported their genuine liberation.

     

                                         subasish samal🌍👁️ 

                             

 

CMV and To MV virus hit tomato crop in Maharashtra and Karnataka

Why in CMV and To MV virus news?

Tomato farmers in Maharashtra and Karnataka have attributed the decline in their yields earlier this year to two distinct viruses. Those in Maharashtra reported that their tomato crops were adversely affected by the cucumber mosaic virus (CMV), whereas growers in Karnataka and other South Indian states attributed their losses to the tomato mosaic virus (To MV). In the past three years, farmers cultivating tomatoes have observed a rise in the prevalence of these two viruses, resulting in varying degrees of crop damage, ranging from partial to total loss.

What are CMV and To MV?

The two plant pathogens, despite having similar names and causing similar crop damage, actually belong to different viral families and have distinct modes of transmission. The tomato mosaic virus (To MV) is a member of the Virgaviridae family and shares a close relationship with the tobacco mosaic virus (TMV). It affects various plants, including tomatoes, tobacco, peppers, and certain ornamental plants.

Transmission

To MV spreads through various means, including infected seeds, saplings, agricultural tools, and human contact.

Certain insect vectors, such as thrips and whiteflies, can also transmit the virus.

Symptoms

Infected plants display green mottling and yellowing of leaves, often appearing as blisters or fern-like patterns.

Leaf curling in either an upward or downward direction and distortion may occur.

Younger plants may experience stunted growth, and fruit setting can be affected.

Prevention and Control

Emphasize the implementation of biosafety standards in nurseries and ensure compulsory seed treatment.

Farmers should thoroughly inspect saplings before planting and discard any infected materials.

About cucumber mosaic virus (CMV)

On the other hand, the cucumber mosaic virus (CMV) has a much broader range of host plants. It can infect cucumber, melon, eggplant, tomato, carrot, lettuce, celery, cucurbits (such as squash, pumpkin, zucchini, and some gourds), as well as certain ornamental plants. The name "CMV" originated from its identification in cucumber back in 1934. It is worth noting that CMV has a wider host pool compared to To MV.

Transmission:

CMV primarily spreads through aphids, which are sap-sucking insects capable of acquiring and transmitting the virus within minutes.

Transmission can also occur through infected seeds, mechanical inoculation, and grafting.

Symptoms:

Infected plants exhibit leaf distortion, primarily at the top and bottom, while the middle portion remains relatively unaffected.

In cucumber plants, CMV causes a mosaic-like pattern of yellow and green spots on the leaves.

Fruit formation can be adversely affected, resulting in stunting and reduced production.

Prevention and Control:

The key focus should be on preventing aphids, the primary vector, by employing quick-acting insecticides or mineral oils.

Care should be taken to avoid aphid migration and the spread of the virus to other fields.

Similarities between To MV and CMV

Genome and Replication

Both To MV and CMV have a single-stranded RNA genome that is enclosed within a rod-shaped protein coat.

Both viruses enter plant cells through wounds or natural openings and replicate within the cytoplasm.

They can move systemically throughout the plant via the phloem, spreading to different parts of the plant.

Impact on Crop

Both To MV and CMV have the potential to cause significant crop losses, often approaching  💯 % if not adequately addressed in a timely manner.

The severity of the crop loss depends on t

he susceptibility of the specific crop and the extent of infection.

MANIPUR BURNS IN TEARS

        MANIPUR

      BURNS IN TEARS

M anipur has a long history of ethnic rivalry among the three communities, the Meiteis, the Kukis and the Nagas. The hill tribes claim that valley people have cornered all the developmental works in the state as they enjoy political dominance while Meiteis allege that they are increasingly getting marginalised in their ancestral lanvd. Their population which was 59 per cent of the total population of Manipur in 1951 has now been reduced to 44 per cent as per 2011 Census data. More importantly, they cannot buy land in hill areas where tribals have

 has definitely calmed things down, and formation of peace committee comprising members of civil society to be led by the Governor of Manipur has also helped in restoring normalcy and instituting confidence building measures among the affected communities. One however, needs to wait and watch and see how a long-lasting agreement is reached that would be acceptable to all. It should be done at the earliest and is of utmost importance. At the time of going to press, on June 14 there was another outbreak of violence, one of the worst, in which 9 were killed and 10 injured and the official residence of the only woman minister was set on fire. As Manipur is a sensitive border state having national security implications, the political issues have to be resolved at the earliest.

          

exclusive rights and are forced to remain confined to the Imphal valley.The recent violence which spun out of control began on May 3, after the All Tribal Students Union Manipur (ATSUM) held a solidarity march in all districts opposing the recent Manipur High Court order, which had asked the Manipur State government to send a recommendation to the Centre regarding the demand to include the Meitei community in the Scheduled Tribes (STs) list.  

      According to police sources, an armed mob in the Torbung area of Churachandpur district attacked people of the Meitei community during the May 3 march. This led to retaliatory attacks in the Valley districts. Many shops and houses in Torbung were vandalised and gutted in violence that lasted more than three hours. For the next three days there was an outbreak of great violence and arson in various districts in Manipur, including Churachandpur, imphal East, Imphal West, Bishnupur, Tengnoupal, and Kangpokpi.         

     Following this, district magistrates were authorised by the Manipur government to issue shoot-at-sight orders. On May 4, as the violence escalated, the Centre

invoked Article 355 of the Constitution, an emergency provision that empowers the Centre to take necessary steps to protect a State against ernal aggression or innal disturbances. Convoys of Fucks belonging to the Army Assam Rifles, Rapid Action Fee, and local police personnel spread out all over the affected areas of the state to restore calm. Mobile data and broadband connections were suspended. Many were reported killed and hundreds wounded; and over 9,000 people belonging to the Kuki and Meitei communities and others were displaced. 98 people were killed and 310 injured. 1,988 homes belonging to Meiteis and 1,425 Kuki homes spread across 158 Meitei-dominated villages, 83 Kuki-dominated villages and 33 villages of mixed-population were burnt down or vandalised. These are official figures, actuals could me more. The Centre and the State each contributed Rs 5 lakh for the kin of those who lost their lives in the violence as part of a relief and rehabilitation package for those affected by the conflict. 

          Accord g to defence sources around 9000 people were rescued from vi-hit areas and given shelter. Buildings, homes, and other property, including vehicles, have been destroyed. Though violence was brought to a stop its after effects are visible across Manipur in the form of destroyed infrastructure and people running away from the state out of fear for their lives and more violence. Till May 15, around 7900 people fled the state and as per official figures 1400 people took shelter in Assam's Cachar district and 6520- in Mizoram. Chief Minister N. Biren Singh's plea for calm has proved futile. Suggesting that the violence was the result of a misunderstanding, Singh said that the government was taking all measures to maintain law and order, including requisitioning additional paramilitary fees. Central and State forces have been directed to take strong action against individuals and groups found engaging in violence. Indefinite curfew was imposed in the Meitei-dominated Imphal West Kakching, Thoubal, Jiribam, and Bishnupur districts, as well as in the Kuki-dominated Kangpokpi and Tengnoupal districts. Latest reports said that around 500 people belonging to the Kuki community have sought shelter at the CRPF camp in Lamphelpat in Imphal. In the Motbung area of Kangpokpi district, where the Kuki people have a significant presence, over 20 houses were set on fire. More than 1,000 people belonging to the Meitei community have fled the Kuki-dominated Churachandpur district. Violent incidents also occurred in the border town of Morch in Tengnoupal district, where many Meitel houses were set on fire. Incidents of violence have also been reported from many yarts of the capital cty of Imphal, The immediate provocation for the ethnic arch was the demand for the Meitei comunity, to be included & list. But that is only a suplicit cause. The underlying miger, sinumering for a long time, is hoked out just to the government's clampdown on reserved and protected forests in the State's hill areas but also to the Kukis' feeling of being persecuted. Several Chin, people of the same ethnic group from across the border in Myanmar, have entered India, fleeing violence and persecution, and the government's tough stance against these so- called illegal immigrants has angered the Kukis, whose kin they are. 

   Manipur Chief Minister's

                 

tough stance against what he calls encroachment of reserved and protected forest areas in the hills of Manipur by tribal communities stems from various causes, including the fact that many acres of land in the hills are being used for poppy cultivation. The government sees its crackdown on forest areas as part of a bigger war against drugs, but it is also guilty of using "drug lords" as a blanket term against all Kuki people. Secondly, there is serious pressure on land in Manipur. As populations increase in the tribal villages, they tend to spread out into surrounding forest areas, which they consider their historical and ancestral right. This is contested by the government. Simultaneously, the Meitei, who live in the valleys, ar angry because they are not allowed to settle or buy land in the hill areas, while tribal people can buy land in the valleys. The government has no real policy about how it plans to recognise new villages. Nor is there any transparent forest policy m Manipur. This has led to resentment even within its own

party. On April 12, Paolienlal Haokip, a BJP MLA a Kuki himself, questioned the sudden revenue and forest survey undertaken in the Churachandpur- Khoupum Protected Forest in Churachandpur district, which was designated a protected forest in 1966. In a letter dated April 12 addressed to Biswajit Singh, Minister for Power, Forest, Environment, and Climate Change described the forest survey as a matter of great public anguish andi perceived injustice. Haokip said that he had recently pointed out in the Assembly that the State government's nullification of the orders of an earlier Assistant Settlement Officer (ASOT excluding certain villages from proposed protected forest areas was wrong. He wanted to know how the State government coul nullify the orders of an ASO, the statutory authority under th Indian Forest Act of 1927 to sett any claims of pre-existing righ on land in the absence of a Forc Section Officer (FSO), a post the... is currently vacant. Haokip added that the delay in processing clain cited as a reason, was the fault the authorities concerned and of the landowners. He added that. cannot be a reason for annullie any order that excludes lar claimed by the forum of trig chiefs from the protected for area. He also pointed out tha there were no survey records with the State government, it proved that the Govt. Gazette declaring the Churachandpur-Khoupum forest area as a protected area was flawed and therefore void. He went on to request that further surveys be stopped until there is clarification in the issue. 

 

              Despite the above letter and other tribal people's protests, Manipur's Chief Minister remained unfazed. The day before Haokip's letter, on April 11, at least two of 26 houses were demolished inside the Langol Reserve Forest. On February 21, 2023, residents of K. Songjang village in Churachandpur were evicted after a Google Maps image showed no settlement in the area in 2020. The eviction came after the forest department issued a notestation in November 2022, derogaising 38 villages in the Churachandpur and Noney districts, claiming they fell within the Churachandpur- Khoupum protected forest. The notification said that the permission for settlement was granted to the villages by an officer who was not qualified to do so. But according to the Kukis, the 38 villages, with a population of over 1,000 people each, have existed for the last 50-60 years. The Kuki Inpi Manipur or KIM, the apex body of the Kukis in Manipur, alleged that Biren Singh's statement about the issue was false and intended to divert attention from the dissent of the tribal community against the''authoritarian rule'' in Manipur 

                  The anger within e Kuki community against what sees as its "selective targeting y the BJP-run State government appears to have spilled over dung the current protest march as well, leading to the violence. The Centre has backed Singh's stand. During a recent visit to Manipur, Bhupender Yadav, Union Minister of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, asserted that the 1927 Forest Act became a State subject after Independence but that after the 1976 Amendment, forest land came under the jurisdiction of both the State and Central governments. The State government retains ownership of is forest and was solely respol for protecting reserved and peered forest land, he said.  On March 10 itself, masswere held across hill districts. Thousands of Kukis protested the BJP-run government's so-called selective targeting of Kukis. They had raised slogans against the eviction ofsidents from K. Songjang village. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), a recently formed conglomerate of tribal groups, which includes the Kukis, had called for the rallies. On March 11, the State government retaliated by withdrawing from the ongoing tripartite talks. It withdrew the Suspension of Operation (SOO) agreement with two armed political groups, the Kuki National Army and the Zomi Revolutionary Army, accusing them of inciting protesters during the rallies. The SoO agreement is a ceasefire agreement that the Central and State government signed with the two conglomerates of tribal armed outfits in the hills, the United People's Front and the Kuki National Organisation, in 2008.                                                                  The  kuki National Army and the Zomi Revolutionary Army are both part of the Kuki National Organisation. These are all armed organisations. KIM had asserted that the rallies were a result of public discontent over the "extreme disregard" by the government of the Scheduled Hill areas and of Articles 370 and 371 C of the Constitution, which applied to Manipur. The organisation said that it took exception to the Chief Minister's terming of the rally participants as "encroachers,  poppy cultivators, drug smugglers, and illegal immigrants". Given the existing tensions in the State, the High Court order asking for a government recommendation to grant ST status to Meiteis was seen as provocative. Even among the Meiteis, there is opposition to it. Their history asserts to the Meiteis being a settled agricultural community for over 2,000 years. Invoking Article 355 in the State also seems a rathe extreme response, and points to other motivations for the Centre to keep the tension simmering in Manipur. The excessive build-up of security forces in the State: purportedly in response to the violence, might be indicative of a larger game plan that is more likely related to Manipur's status as a border State. 

          Even though the situation is still tense in various area of the state, it improved since Union Home Minister Amit Shah's four- day-long trip to Manipur between May 29 and June 1. Shah announced a judicial committee headed by a retired high court judge to probe the violence in Manipur. A special CBI team will investigate six specific cases that hint at a conspiracy behind the conflict.

       This has definitely calmed things down, and formation of peace committee comprising members of civil society to be led by the Governor of Manipur has also helped in restoring normalcy and instituting confidence building measures among the affected communities. One however, needs to wait and watch and see how a long-lasting agreement is reached that would be acceptable to all. It should be done at the earliest and is of utmost importance. At the time of going to press, on June 14 there was another outbreak of violence, one of the worst, in which 9 were killed and 10 injured and the official residence of the only woman minister was set on fire. As Manipur is a sensitive border state having national security implications, the political issues have to be resolved at the earliest.

                

                     Subasish samal